History Of Assamese Literature

History of
Assamese Literature

Dr. Biriiiclii Kumar I^rua

. IITYA AKADl MI

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msrcjRV OF A^SSAMtSK I,n l.RAXVKi:

HISTORY OF
ASSAMESE LITERATURE

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BY

BIRINCIHT igjAfAR BARIJA

M PII.D.

PROII S OR or \SVAMI >r ANT) 1)1 A\ 01 I III F \( T I | \
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SAHlfYA AKADi:^fI

NLW DKIHI

PrBLlSHKD BY SAHIfYA AKAOFMI, RABINPRA BIIAVAN, PFROZPMIAH RO\I>
new OFl-Ht, AND PRINIED BY S. C. GHOBF AT CAI CHITA PRFSS PRIVATE IT1>
1, WELLINGTON SQUARE, CALCITTA-13

PUBLISHER’S foreword

The pfesent voluyie is the fifth in the series of Histories of
Literature, which the Sahitya Akademi has sponsored for
publication. The four earlier volumes, namely, Histoiy of
Bengali Literatuie by Dr. Sukuntar Sen and Histoiy of Oriya
Literature by Dr. Mayadhar Mansinha (both in English),
History of Malayalam Literature by Sri P. K. Parameswaran
Nair in Malayalam aijd Histoiy of Kannada Literature by
Dr. R. S. Mugali in Kannada were published earlier and
have been well received by discerning critics. Histoiy of
Teimgu Literature by Dr. G.V. Sitapati in English and an
£nglish% translation pf the History of Malayalam Literature
are now in Press and are expected to be published shortly.
Other volumes are under preparation. ,

These volumes have been planned in uniform size and
aim at a standard quality. The Sahitya Akademi hopes in
course of time to publish their translation in all major Indian
languages of the country so as to make .available to the reader
authentic surveys of Indian literature, not only of his own
region but of the other regions as well. For Indian literature
is one though written in many languages. Though the con-
tribution of Assamese to the liteiaturc of India is not incon-
siderable, very little is known of it outside the Assamese-
reading public. It is hoped th..t this volume will help tq, in-
troduce the wealth «of Assamese literature to the Indian reader
in general and will prove 6f as much interest to the general
reader as to the scholar.

The selection of authors of these Histories is made by the
Sahitya Akademi in consultation with its Advisory Board in
the language concerned and the manuscripts are read and
approved by a committee of its literary advisers before they
are published. No History of Literature, unless it is a mere
chronological catalogue of names, can wholly avoid critical
estimates and qualitative preferences. These critical estimates
are ‘necessarily the author’s and it is not unlikely that there
will be difference of opinion amongst the readers in this

VI

pubusher’s foreword

matter. The' publisher (in this case the* Sahitya Akademi)
need not be identified with these estimates.

It is deeply' regretted that the learned author of this History
who was himself a creative wiiter of distinction passed away
suddenly while the book was* in Press. His prematu|e death
cut off a career of great promise and is an irreparable loss
to Indian Literature.

Sahitya Akademi

CONTENTS

Pubusher’s Foreword v

I Assam and* the Assamese Language 1

n The Early Period 9

in The Vaisnavite Period 17

IV The Ahoms and Assamese Literature 73

V Assamese Literature under the Ahom

Patronage * 81

vi% Beginning of the Modern Period 103

VII Poetry 110

VIII Drama 147

IX The Novel and the Short Story 167

X Prose • General 184

Index

197

2

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

' is that the present name is derived from ‘Asama’ in the sense
of ‘unequalled* or ‘peerless*. They say that this was the term
applied to them by the native tribes at the time of their in-
vasion of the valley, and was an index of the awe and admira-
ration with*which the latter regarded the Ahom conqueror who
conciliated them. Dr. Banikaipta Kakati suggests that ‘Asama*,
‘peerless*, may be a later-day Sanskritiipition of ah earlier
form, ‘Acham*. In Tai the root ‘charn* means ‘to be van-
quished*. With the Assamese prefix ‘a*, ‘Asam’ or ‘Acham’
would mean ‘undefeated’, ‘victorious*. It is argued that the
name of the victor passed to the country in due course. Another
derivation, however, has been suggested. “The name Asam’’,
obsei*ves Badcn-Powell, “is most probably traceable to (tlie
Bodo) ‘Ha-com’, die low or.level coimtry.’’

The earliest inhabitants of Assam, according to the epics
and the Puranas, were the Nisadas, Kiratas, Cinas and-^thcr
tribes commonly designated ‘Mlecchas’ and ‘Asuris’. Lin-
guistic and cthci(>giaphic evidences including s(>me ancient
place-name^ of the province indicate diat the earliest inha-
bitants of Assam spoke an Indo-Chinese language of the
Mon-Khmer family, which is, according to Schimdt, a branch
of the Austiic family of languages. The date when the Austric
speakers began to infiltrate into Assam is not known, but
it must have occuned several hundred years b.c. and cer-
tainly long before the advent of the Aryans from the west.
It is hard to define the contiibution of the Austric-sjieaking
Mongolian peoples to the enthnological structure of Assam;
but it is manifest in many existing cultural institutions, cus-
Umis and manners of the Assamese,

The next wave of Indo-Cliincse invasicu comprised various
peoples speaking Tibelo-Burman tongues. The original abode
of these invaders was the land near the Yang-tse-kiang and
the Hwang-ho i ivei basins in north-west China. From there
they went down the courses of the Brahmaputra, the
Chindwin and the IiTawaddy, and entered India and Burma.
The swarm which came to Assam proceeded down to the
crescent of the river Brahmaputra near Dhubri. From this
vantage point, some dtovc south and occupied first the Garo
Hills and the State of Hill Tippera. Others appear to have
ascended the valley of the Kapili and the neighbouring

ASSAM AND THE ASSABO^ lANGUAGE 3

streams into the highlands of North Cachar, but they failed to*
occupy the mountainous tract between these highlands aild
the Garo Hills, now known as the Khasi i^d Jaintia Hills,
and this ever remained the home of the original Mon-Khmer
settlers. Other members of this Tibeto-Burman horde halted
at the head of the Brahmaputra Valley and turned south.
They took possession of the Naga Hills, an^ from them des-
cended that confused sample-bag of tribes whose speeches
are classed as the Naga-group. Another of the swarms that
settled in the upper basins of the ^hindwin and the Irrawaddy
giadually advanced towards the south of Assam and colonised
in the Lushai, the Cachar, and even in some parts of the
Manipur and Naga Hills. Of the Tibeto-Buiman races who
settled in Assam, the Bodo tribe is at once the largest and the
most important ol the non-Aryan strata. The Bodo group
incl^Mes the Ko<, the Kachari, the Lalung, the Dimacha,
the Gar^, the Rabha^thc Tipura, the Chutiya ^d the Maran
tribes. The Bodos who live to the west of the present Kamrup
district are called ‘Mec’ by their Hindu neighbours. This
word is probably a corruption of the Sanskrit word ‘mleccha’.
Tht“ Bodos who live in and to the west of the district of Kannnp
are called Kacharis. Vaiious guesses arc made about the
oiigin of the word Kachari; possibly the word is comiectcd
with Kaksdta, a hyjjothetical formation parailell to the Sanskrit
Kitdia,

Linguistic evidence shows that at one time tlie Bodo pcc)plc
occupied the whole of the present province west of Manipur
and the Naga Hills, excluding only the Khasi and Jaintia
Hills. In fact, they have lent iheir own names to nuinj^of
the most promineftt features of tlie provbice. The Bodos
estiiblished tlieii colonics in the vicinity of rivers, and so
most of the river names in eastern Ass^m are of Bodo origin.
They even lechristencd river names of earlier Austric origin
by prefixing them with ‘Di’, thcii own equivalent foi;^ water,
e.g., Di-hong, where Bodo ‘Di’ was placed before Austric
‘hcMig’ (water), which perhaps was the name of the river in
older times.

The Bodos built strong kingdoms and under various tribal
nances, the Chutiya, the Kachari, the Koc, etc., held sway
over one part or the other of Assam at different times. In

4

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Hhe course of centuries the Bodos yielded to external pressure,
from the east by the Ahoms of the great ‘Tai race and from
the west by the ijjyans.

The Tais^or Shans first appeared in history in Yunnan,
and from thence they migrated into upi>er Burma. In the
6th century a.d. they migrateddrom the mountains of Southern
Yunnan into the y^Uey of the Showeli and the adjacent regions.
In the 13th century one of their tribes, the Ahoms, overran,
conquered Assam itself, and blazed the trail for oilier Shan
tribes to follow. These were the Khamtis, PhakiyaLs, Naras
and Aitaniyas, who mostly inhabit the eastern part of Assam.

It is difficult to ascertain precisely when the Aryans came
into the Brahmaputra valley. But tliere is hardly any doubt
that they settled in Assam ?fi a fairly early period eidicr by
successful invasion or by peaceful colonisatien. The earliest
references to Assam’s cultural and military contacts -^itli
Aryavarta arc foimd in the Rdmdyana and Ae Mahilbhdrata.
In the study of the Aryanisation t)f the province the Naraka^
legend is of particular interest. Early inscriptions show tliat
high-caste Aryans, such as Brahmanas, Kayasthas and
Kalitas, came and settled in Assam at the beginning of the
Christian era. The Nidhanpur Copperplate grant records
that King Bhutivarman (6th century a.d.) granted special
Agrahdra^ settlements to more than two hundred Brahmanas
of various gotras^ and vedasdkhds* for promotion of Vedic
religicm and scholarship. Tliey not only established their
own settlements, but absorbed without obliterating the earlier
inhabitants in their hierarchy by giving them Aryan religion,
rityal and language. In the process of Aryanisation and
consolidation even the names of tribes'* were changed to

^ Naiaka was an adopted son of Janaka, an Aryan king of Videha. Janaka
brought up the child in his court along witii the royal princes till he was sixteen
years old. Naraka excelled the royal princes in the arts of war and peace, and
this frightened his foster-father Janaka, who feared that this child would one day
wrest the* kingdom from his own sons and usurp the throne. Naraka’s nurse
Katyayani, scented trouble, and slipped out of Janaka*s palace and came to
the bank of the Ganges. Then both of them came by water to Pragjyoti^a, modem
Assam, which was then ruled by the Kiratas, a group of the Mongoloid people.
Naraka raised an army, fought and conquered the Kiratas. In due course,
Naraka brought Brahmanas and other high castes people from Videha, and,
introduced Hindu faiths and religion in the country. ^

* Religious gift of land to Brahmanas. ’ Family.

* Pertaining to various branches of the Vedas.

ASSAM AND THE ASSAMESE LANGUAGE 5

Aryan caste names. Thus the Koc, a name which was origi> '
nally used to desigAate a tribe, was metamorphosed into a
recognised Aryan caste embracing all converts from the
Kachari, the Lalung, the Mikir and other aboriginal ti;ibes.

Geography is very important in shaping the linguistic and
cultural history of a country. Af glance at the physical map
of Assam may well •illustrate this point. Assam is surrounded
on three sides by countries of different races and tongues,
separated by mountains with pa^cs which are not difficult
to traverse. These passes from the earliest times to the present
day have been serving as trade and cultural routes between
Assam, Burma, Tibet, Bhutan and China.

Anotlier noticeable gc*graphical factor is the river Brahma-
putra, which runs through the h%art of the province. It has
been the chief artery and highway linking Assam with Bengal
and ^Jlher p<ii ts of India from ancient times. Its waters have
rendered' the basin of* Assam fertile and the harvest rich and
copious. In a sense it is the life-giving blood of Assam, as
the Nile is that of Egypt; and Assam’s whole history and
cultuie arc intimately connected with the Brahmaputra.
Nature is also so generous to the people that little they have
to bother about their daily bread and butter. In earlier
ages, even gold was found in the sands* of the Brahmaputra
and other big rivers of the country.

These geographical factors have contributed towards the
making of the Assamese people m several ways. The vast
terrain of the Brahmaputra valley has an alluring quality
that has invited people from neighbouring countries to come
and settle there. Each influx has brought in its train the
staple of its own culture only to be woven into the general
texture of the culture of the soil. The abundant supply of
food and the bracing climate have mad** the people of both
the plains and the hills simple, cheerful, easily contented, and
indolent. These factors have further encouraged them to
live a colourful open-air life throbbing with the rhythms of
art, music and dance.

The Assamese language developed out of the Sanskrit
language as early as in the 7th century a.d. Its direct ancestor,
howeyer, is Magadhi Apabhramsa. According to Grierson,
“Magadhi was the principal dialect which corresponded to

6 HI3T0RY OF ASSAMESE LTmtATURE

Eastern Prakrit. East of Magadhi was spoken Pracya
Apahhramsa. It spread to the south and! south>east and here
became the paijent of modem Bengali. Besides spreading
south\Yard,*Pracya Apabhramsa also spread to the East keeping
north of Ijie Ganges and reached the valley of Assam where
it is represented by Assamese. Each of the three descendants
of Magadhi Apabhramsa, Oriya, modem Bengali and
Assamese, is equally directly connected with the coiximon
immediate parent” {Linguistic Survy> of India, Vol. I, Part I,
pp. 125-126). Dr. S. K. Chatterji divides Eastern Magadhi
Apabhramsa into four dialect groups. Three of these are
related to the dialects current in Western, Central and Eastern
Bengal and Orissa, and lire fourth- i« related to dialects pre-
valent in Assam and the nefghbouring parts which are to-day
in North Bengal. Dr. Banikanta Kakati has shown that in
a pre-Bengali and pre-Assamese period there were ^tain
dialect groups wliich may be designated Eastern ^Magadhi
Apabhramsa. Each dialect group, in due time, became
clearly demarcated, and so Assamese, under the independent
kings of Assam and her ‘entirely self-contained,’ social life,
‘became established as an independent speech’.

The antiquity of the Assiimese language, as already
mentioned, goes back to the 7th cerrtury a.d. During tire
first half of the 7th century a.d., on the imitation of the then
Assam king Bhaskaravarnran, the Chinese pilgrim Hicun
Tsang visited the province. In his account of the kingdom
of Kamarupa he speaks of the language as slightly differing
from that of mid-India. This account of Hicun Tsang shows
tkat by the 7th century a.d. the Indo-Aryan language had
penetrated into Assam, and that the Ai*/an language spoken
in the province differed to a certain extent from the Magadhi
dialects then cuitent in mid-India. The archaic specimens
of the Assamese language are discoverable in the place-
names and proper-names occurring in the old inscriptions.
Other specimens of the language in its formative period are
manifest in the stmgs and aphorisms composed by the Buddhist
Siddhacaryas^ between the 8th and 12th centuries a.d. and
commonly known as Caryas and Dohds foimd in Hdjdr Backarer

^ A preceptor, being supposed to be of great purity and holiness, and said
to be characterised by eight magical or supernatural faculties called siddni.

7

ASSAM AND THE ASSAMESE LANGUAGE

PuranoBSAglaBkasay Bauddka Gdn ODahS and in DohSkofa first*
compiled by MM. HaraprasadSastri. Bengali scholars considUrr
these Caiyds and Dohas to be specimens of jhe early Bengali
language only. But careful scrutiny will make ^t clear that
their language, commonly called sandhyabha^a (‘twilight
tongue’)^ represents the latest phase of the Maga<3hi Apabh-
ramsa, and as such it includes to a considerable extent the
earliest forms of the eastern group of modem Indo-Aryan
languages, namely Bengali, Assamese and Oriya. Dr. Bani-
kanta Kakati has ably shown how certain phonological and
morphological traits registered in these s«>ngs have come
down in unbroken continuity to modern Assamese. We
have stated earlier that the people of Assam represent a
mixture of different races speaking various languages like
Austric or Mon-Khmer (one of which is Klrasi), Sino-Tibetan
repfB!»enting Bodo or Kachari speeches, and the Fai or the
Aliom. ^It is, therefwc, natural that these Irihguages would
greatly influence the phonological and morphological traits
of Assamese, a branch of Indo-Aiyan. Dr. Kakati traces
Austric elements in Assamese and holds that the vocables
that arc regarded in Assamese as indigenous have mostl>
been taken over from the Austric speakers, Tire Bodo and
the Ahom sovereigns ruled over Assam.at different times and
their r ulc led to the enrichment of Assamese vocables. Of all
tire modem Indo-Aryan languages, Assamese is at once tire
most compact and complex, being influenced by a large
number of Austr ic and Indo-Tibelan tongues and dialects.

Because of multi-racial contac ts it was inevitable that some
original Indo-Aryan soimds should undergo transforma tjon
in As.samese. The did Indo-Aryan cerebrals and dentals have
changed to alveolars; and three sibilants have lost their
original character and developed peculiar sound- traits.
The process of spontaneous nasalisation, an active pheno-
menon in non-Aryan languages, greatly operates in Assamese
sound-systems. Other special phonological peculiarities of
the language are less use of conjunct consonants, preponde-
rance of vowel sounds, and abundant use of fond endings.
Sanskrit conjoint consonants being generally mutilated by
insertion of vowels.

It is noteworthy, however, that the extent of non-Aryan

8 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UTERATURS

^influences does not appear to be so great as to change the
Aryan structure of the language. This seems, as pointed out
by Dr. Kakati, due to several salient historical facts. Assam
alway. lay ^n the highway for all Indian enaigrants to the
Far East, and this kept Assam in perpetual contact with the
rest of Aiyan India and effectively checked the non-Aryan
tendencies from^ inaking any radical change in the main
structure of Assamese. Then, there was the rise of a standard
literature based mainly on Sanskrit in the 13th century,
which exercised a stabilisiiig influence upon the speech and
resisted the incursion of non-Aryan idioms to an appreciable
degree. The Assamese script also developed out of the pan-
Indian Gupta script. ,

The vocabulary of Assantese is largely derived from that
of Sanskrit, and its morphological structure is also based
on Sanskrit grammar. In speech, however, the original
Sanskrit words are sparingly used, and they are nfOstly re-
placed by tadbhava^ or ardhatatsama^ words. Further, Assamese,
being a livipg and growing language, has bon owed a great
number of words from otliei new Indo- Aryan languages.
It has also received some Persian and Arabic words, chiefly
administrative and legal terms. In recent years English
words and expressions are percolating into Assamese. All
these factors have contributed towards the full-fledged deve-
lopment of the Assamese language, and made it a subtle and
powerful medium of expression.

^ Words originated from Sanskrit.
• Half-Sanskrit.

CHAPTER II

’i:HE EARLY PERIOD

1'he rise of the Crescent is the great fact of the Middle
Ages and its impact was felt even in Assam in the thirteenth
century a.d. An inscription on a rock at Kanaibarashi, near
North Gauhati, records that in 1205 the Turaskas (Turks
or Muslims), invading Kimarupa, were routed. This probably
refers to an engagement between fhc royal sovereign of Assam
and Muhammad Bakhtyar Khiliji, who invaded Assam after
his Tfteton expedition, as stated by the Muslim chronicler,
Minhaj. Again, in a.u. 1227, Ghiyas-ud-din Iwraj of Lakhna-
vati made an abortive attempt to conquer Kamarupa. In
1257 Ikhtiyas-ud-din Yuzbak Tughvil Khan attacked Kama-
rupa, but he was defeated and his army destroyed. The
invasion of Kamarupa by Muhamud Shah also ended in
disaster for the Muslim army.

These successive Muslim invasions, though abortive, shook
the very foundations of the old kingdom of Kamarupa and
gradually led to its disintegration. During this periotl the
Shan invaders entered Assam from the North-East. All these
factors led to political dissensions and formation of a number
of independent principalities. Tlie Ahoms, a group of the
Shan invaders, under the leadership of Sukapha conquer€»d
the eastern portion ^f the country (a.d. 1215) and ruled it
from their first capital at Charaideo (near modem Jorhat
town). The Kacharis, a section of the Tibeto-Burman peoples,
who came to Assam in prehistoric times, presently carved
out a kingdom along the south bank of the Brahmaputra
bounded by the risers, Dikhau and Kalong (in the present
Nowgong district), with its capital at Dimapur. Their kingdom
included also the valley of the Dhansiri river and the Cachar
district. The old kingdom of Kamarflpa was thus dismem-
berec^and reduced to a small territory' comprising the extreme
west up to the river Karatoya, and including the present

10

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

districts of Rajigpur, Cooch-Bchar, Goalpara and Kamarup.
With the narrowing down of frontiers, its earlier name also
changed from ^amaiiip>a to Kamata, although the Muham-
madan historians speak as if the names KamarGpa and
Kamata were synonymous. The capital of the country was
at Kamatapur, about eighteen miles from modem Gooch-
Behar.

One of tlie notable kings of Kamata was Durlabhanaraya^a,
who ruled possibly at the end of the 13th century a.d. Durla-
bhanarayana was an indefatigable patron of poets and scholars.
It was in his court that the Assamese language found a trellis
to lean on for the first time. The king encouraged poets to
write verses in Assamese. Harivara ,Vipra, one of the court-
poets of the king, says in ar benedictory verse in his Babruba-
hanar 2uddha, “Glory to King Durlabhanarayana, the hero
of Kamarupa. May he in happiness reign a thousanfl^years,
in the company of his sons and admirers. Living ^^happily)
in his kingdom, Vipra Harivara pays homage to CJoddess
Gauri and renders into verse the spirit of tlie A^vanvdha-
parva^ which is appraised only by the pious.” Harivara’s
chief works are Babrubdhanar Tuddha and Lava-Kuiai Tuddfia;
the legendary stories of both the works were taken from the
’Jaiminiya Mahabharata. Babrubdhanar Tuddha contains about
600 couplets. It narrates tlie exciting conflict between a
father and his son. It begins with the entrance of the sacrificial
horse into the State of Manipur followed by Arjuna, the
third Pandava. Babrubahana, the king of Manipur, captured
the horse, but learning from his Queen-mother Citrahgada
that Arjuna was his father, Babrubaltana went to meet Aijuna
with the intention of returning the horse <«vith apology. Arjuna,
in his utter forgetfulness of his union with Citrangada, not
only disclaimed any relationship with Babrub^ana but
questioned the chastity of his mother and ascribed his submis-
sivenpss to abject fear. He rcmaiked tauntingly tlvat a Pandava
prince should be made of firmer clay. This enraged Babru-
bahana so much that he fought a most sanguinary battle
with Arjuna, killing his father in the doleful encounter. Then
Srikrs^a appeared in the battle-field, restored Aijuna to life,

^Ahamedhaparva is the fourteenth book of the Mahdbhdrata, which describes
the horse sacrifice of the Pandavas after the great war.

THE EARLY PERIOD

11

and explained to him how he had married CitrShgadi during
his travels in Manipur on a previous occasion and begrft
Babrubahana. Arjxma now remembered his ^it to Manipur
and acknowledged Babrubahana as his most \yorthy son,
embraced him and marched away with the horse. ,

This work is not a literal translatioA of the Sanskrit original.
The author only borrowed the main plot but«has embellished
the theme with exquisite descriptions and dramatic situations.
Nowhere in these iimovations dojes he disclose any lack of
literary taste. The description of the royal court at Manipur
is picturesque and magnificent. The altercation between
Babrubahana and Arjuna, the exciting repartees between the
insolent father and thc*hujniliated son, reveal the autlun’s
power of characterisiition. The b&ttle scenes arc graphic and
exude heroic sentiments. Harivara’s work is adorned with a
varic^^jK^f flamboyant figures and pleasant precepts and
aphorisim. In his hava-Kuiar Yuddha tlic poet narrates at
length the fight between Rama and his two sons as recounted
by Jaimini. The abduction of Sita, tlie battle wi-th Ravana,
SIta’s fii e-ordeal, and Rama’s return to his capital, Ayodhya,
are summarily mentioned.

As the work was intended for the laity, its language is wiy
and spare, although spiced with popular idioms. Fuither,
to catch the popular fancy, the emphasis and situations of
the original story were changed, and consequently the old
martial spirit and heioic ideals were t(»ncd down to popular
sentimentalism.

Hema Sarasvati, a contemporary of Harivara, also praised
his patron king, Durlabhanaraytina, in Prahldd-catila. Though
Hema Sarasvati adihitted that he had taken the story from
the Vamana Pvaai^a, he took much liberty with the original.
His narration is not attractive; nor did he aspire alter a
chaste vocabulary; but his work is inspired b> devotional
fervour. Sarasvati’s Hara-Gauri Samvada is a bigger, work
run ning to 900 verses. He collected the stories of this kav^a
from both the Puranas and the folklore of the land. Though
it has some verses on Yogic practices, this large popular
treatise catered to the imqucnchable thirst of mankind for
the qljvious and the trite.

Two other celebrated poets who enjoyed royal patronage

12 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

^from the Kamata kings were Kaviratna-Sarasvatl and
Rudra Kandali, authors respectively ‘ of Jayadratha-vadha
and Satyaki-pravfia. The plots of both the works were taken
from t|;ie Aitikdbharata.

In the ;ame period, another centre of learning throve in
what is now the Nowgong district, under the patronage of
the Kachari kings. Here with the enoouragement of the
Kachaii king, Mahamanikya (about the fourteenth century
A.D.), the greatest of th^ pre-Vaisnavite poets, Madhava
Kandali, undertook the stupendous task of translating the
whole of the Sanskrit epic Rdtndyana into Assamese veise.
Madhava Kandali, who sang of a life dedicated to the service
of God and man through his Rqma^di}a, was the court-poet
of the Kachari king, Mahamanikya, and was known as
Kaviraj Kandali (Kandali, King of Poets), a well-deserved
sobriquet. He was a great Sanskrit scholar and, unli^^blher
poets of the time, was never subjective and never interspersed
his works with autobiographical fragments. Sahkaradeta,
who gave the greatest impetus to the cause of Assamese liteta-
ture in the succeeding century, held him in high esteem and
was charmed with his giaccful and moving rendering of the
Rdmdyana. An immense number of Assamese words were
first recorded in Kandali’s Rdmdyam; he gave many of the
colloquial expressions literary cunency, used them in a new
sense, or formed fresh derivatives and compounds from tlitm.
The legacy of a rich and beautiful diction which Madhava
Kandali left in his Rdmdyam exercised a tremendous influ-
ence on Sahkaradeva and his immediate successors. Its
diction is —

Though deep, yet clear : though gentle, yet not dull :

Strong without rage : without overflowing full.

It is worth noting that of all modem Indian vernacular
translaticais of Valmiki’s Rdmdyar^a, Madhava Kandali's
is the earliest. Hindi, Bengali and Oriya versions appeared
about a century and a half later. Though so early, Madhava
Kandali’s translation is not at all raw but dcoie in a bright
and elevated literary style. Madhava Kandali constantly kept
two things before him— literary beauty and popular taste.

THE EARLY RESIOD

13

He never allowed conununal, sectarian or religious matters
to override the artistic compulsions. His imagination, there-
fore, had a free and unfettered play in the selection of words,
figures and images. ,

In the original Ramaya^a of Valmiki, from which stems the
Assamese version, artistic beauty seems to be the predominant
passion of* the poet, devotion or ethics becomijyg only a secon-
dary interest. The Assamese poet also subordinates homiletic
materials to literary beauty. In the Assamese version, the
Ramayai^a undergoes almost a g^eric transformation. An
idyllic beauty replaces the heroic tone of the original. Where
there was martial atmosphere and heroism, we now have the
charm of the sweet domestic life of an ideal father, mother,
son, daughter and brother. Mucle emphasis have, therefore,
been laid in Kandali’s Rdmayam on homely virtues like
devotitw^o parents and husbands, veneration for the guru,
affection ror wife, brothers and fiiends, kindly Teelings, and
courtesy to common man. It also holds chastity to be the
highest virtue for both man and woman. In short, itis redolent
of the temper and genius of the Assamese people.

Broadly following the plot of Valmiki, Kandali has woven
popular elements into its artistic web and dyed it in local
colour. Local customs, habits and maimers have been drawn
on to lend subtle nuances to the epic. Even the minutest
details are noted which shows how full the poet’s visi(m was.
The Assamese version portrays the frailty of the elderly
Kiuiji. She pines for Bharata’s love. She approaches him
in her finest attire after the princt 's return from his maternal
micle’s house — ^an episode not found in the dignified Sanskri/
text. Through it the Assamese poet panders to the common
taste. Further, the heroic bearing and mighty pronounce-
ments of Rama before his father, tongue-tied through Kaikeyi’s
villainy, and his brave undertaking to implement the king’s
promises to his step-mother, as found in Valmiki, arc jQner
than the sentiments of vanity expressed by the proud hero in
the Assamese versioa. These, however, are minor flaws in
an otherwise admirable translation.

Kandali has shown considerable skill in providing the
background, depicting natural scenery, rousing appropriate
emotions, and selecting apt phrases and lively imagery. In

14

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

“the pictlire of merry Ayodhya, the portrait of DaSaratha,
heart-broken at Rama’s exile, Rama’s harangue io Sita on
the perils of aq^ exiled life, their sojourn in tlie Gitrakuta
forest, the ^tranquillizing beauty of the river Mandakini —
everywhere there are projections of contemporary Assam with
her picturesque peoples and^radiant landscapes. The greatest
contribution of jthis gifted poet was the forging of a literary
diction of a kind of its own, with harmonious blending of
Sanskrit and Assamese vocables, a diction which was beyond
the reach of his contemporaries and was to serve as model
and pattern for subsequent writers. The poet posst'ssed a
cornucopia of words to describe diverse situations and modes
of life. Whether he is describing a tq,wn, a country or a forest-
glade, as mentioned in the oiigrnil, inraginalion and words
come to him naturally and gracefully as leaves to a tree and
song to a nightingale. WTun he begins describing ^#««wot'd,
the names of trees, shrubs, flowers, birds come iii i^riwearied
succession. Along witli such plenty, the poet possessed an
instinct for. the right word. Anotlrer distinctive feature of
the poetry erf Madhava Kandalr rs his original imagery where-
with he reinforces and divnsifics elassical ones. In addition
he also incorporates scenes from eve'iyday domestic life,
making his poetry eafiy e>f accept.ince for the cleric, the divine
and the churl alike, i practice later emulated by Vaisnavite
writers.

Devajit is another jroetic composition commonly' ascribed
to Madhava Kandali. Io tliis poem, Kandali seeks to estab-
lish the superiority of Krsn.i and other incarnations of Visnu
tp all otlrer gods.

Another poet who worked on the ^amajana theme w<vs
Durgab.tr. He lived at tire Nilacala Hill during tiro reign
of his patron king, Visv isirnlta c»f Kamata, sometime in the
16th century a.d. Duigabar rendered some cantos of the
Ramayana into melodies and dainty refrains. He was familiar
with ELandali’s Ramdyatia, and in his Giti-Ramayam he in-
corporated some verses from the latter with slight alterations
of words to suit musical tunes.

It lias been already shown that the Assamese people arc
made of diverse elements, speaking Aryan, Mon-Khmer,
Tibeto-Burman, Tai or Shan languages. An inevitable

TH£ EARLY PERIOD

15

consequence of this mixture was that many of the customs,
religious rites, beliefs* oral traditions and folklore of the non-
Aryan peoples were Aryanised and gradually incorporated
into the Hindu Pantheon. One such Aryanised fult is the
snake-cult. The Assamese worship the serpent as Ac goddess
Manasa. A cycle of narrative poems were composed
glorifying her deeds. These arc sung even, today on the
occasion of Manasa worship.

The poems relating to Manasa worship can be divided into
Aree parts. The fiist part stalls with the myAiral story of
Siva and Durga, and dcsci ibes the birth of th(‘ snake-goddess
Manasa, her quarrel with Gandi, and hei maniage. In the
second part is described the de\otecs Halika and Jalika
worshipped Ac goddess Manasa. * I’hc tliird pait, Ae most
])opuLir of all, recounts the <ontest between the goddess
Mana^i^nd the ineverent Saivite mei chant Ghand who
dcliberatA) refused to»bow d(>wn beloie her an5 was intole-
rant even of the mere mention of her name. The wrathful
goddess avenged heiself by killing his six sons and*gctting his
f)uit<‘en merchandise-laden boats sunk. She did not rest
content even with tl)is. She got Lakhindai, the merchant’s
se\enth son, stung mortally by a serpent on the nuptial night.
The htdpless newly-wedded bride, Behula, loc>k the corpse
of her husband on a rafter down a stream and after floating
down a great distance <irrived at a landing of the river near
Kailasa. WiA the help of Netai, the washerwoman of Siva,
Behula got an audience with Ac mightv god who kindly
intervened in her i^ivour and askid Manisa to restore to life
Ac seven sons of Ghand and also to return to him the fourteen
merclian disc-laden bcJtils inta< t; Ac merchant in return w^ould
worAip Manasa at least once. Behula returned with her
husband, now restored to life, and piev<iiled upon her father-
irr-law to worshij) Manasa, Ghand did worship Manasa, but
instead of doing it wiA grace, he offered the oblatiotjis in
disdain wiA his left hand. Yet Ais w\is scmctliing. Ghmrd
got back tlie Aiiigs he had lost.

This story has been built on myAs and superstitions of
boA Ae Assamese and the ncighbouiing tribes. Some people
fold in it an echo of Ae ancient conAct between Saivism
(worslrip of Siva) and oAcr religious CiiAs. This explains Ae

16

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UTERATURE

presence in the Manasa poems of many popular gods and
goddesses. Human characters have befen very ingeniously
woven into the texture of the poems, which renders it interest-
ing as a Iranian document.

Mankaj is the first poet of the Manasa theme. He flourished
about the end of the 15th century. Durgabar, who^ rendered
the Rdmaya^a Ivto songs, also dwelt on 'the ManasS theme.
Like Mankar, Durgabar also wove into the tapestry of the
Behula theme vignettes of^contcmpovaiy' social life.

Narayanadova is the greatest Manasa poet of Assamese
literature. He is also known as Sukavi (Poet par excellence).
His Behula-Lakhindar-songs known as Sukananni were probably
written in the seventeenth century in the couit of King
Dharmanarayan of Darangl-rajya. In Narayanadeva’s hands
the Behula episode assumed tremendous populaiily and a
fresh form. He brought to it a social consciousness was
altogether new to mediaeval Assamese literature. ^He tried
to recapture in his songs the very atmosphere of the simple
home life of his time with its joys and cares. In characterisa-
tion and portrayal of emotions the poet is true to life. His
Gimdsadagar is a man of indomitable will, inflexible resolu-
tion, and unimpeachable integrity. But even he was prevailed
upon, at last, to admit the godesshood of Padma (Manasa) by
Behula. This is a victory for Behula’s pure devotion, conjugal
purity and faith that moves mountains. As an ideal wife she
is second neither to Sita nor to Savitri. Before the pure
chastity and deep devotion of Behula, even heavenly powers
bend and break. With a few bold strokes, Soneka, wife of
G^dsadagar, has been made into a moving portrait of a
forlorn mother, matchless in tragic ifitensity like Synge’s
Maurya in The Riders to the Sea. Though a goddess in name,
Padma is jealous, vindictive and mean. In the Behula poems,
men have risen to godly heights whilst gods have fallen down
to mundane pettiness. Whatever may be the literary merits
of the Manasa poems, they have the great value of preserving
our cultural heritage, sustaining an interest in the old myths
and legends and m strengthening the ties of our cultural life
and literature.

CHAPTER in

THE VAISNAVfTE PERIOD

The sixteenth century marked the meteoric and simultaneous
rise of two great powers in Assam, the Kochas and the
Ahoms, and the t'ntirc country was shared between them.
The old kingdom of Kamatapur was destroyed by the in-
vasion of Ala-ud-din I^ussain Shah about 1498, and after
a brief interregnum of confusion j a new kingdom rose fiom
die ashes of the old. The chief of the Koch tribe, Viiva
Sirhhe.,^established this new kingdom, about a.d. 1515
with Koch-Behar (iRodcm Gooch-Behar) aS*^ capital. The
greatest lulcr of the KcKhas was ViSva Siihha’s illustrious
son and successor, Naranarayaiia, a worthy cemtemporary
of Akbar, the Great Mogul, Naranarayana was educated at
Banaras and was distinguished for his Sanskrit scholarship.
Naranarayana and his brothci Sukladhvaja or Chilar^
invited to their court Brahmanas and learned men from
Banaras and other centres of learning. Both of them espoused
the cause of Hinduism, patronized learning, and did much
to raise the cultural level of Naianaiayana’s subjects. The
English traveller, Ralph Fitch, visited the Koch country
during Naranarayana ’s reign, and he speaks with admiration
of veterinary hospitals in Assani and the aversion of the
Assamese to violenoe. Naranarayana invited the great Vaij-
navite saint-poet Sahkaradeva and his colleagues to his
court and bc'Stowed munificent gifts on them. Naranarayana
desired to become Sankaradeva’s disciple, but the saint
refused to give initiation to a sover<dgn. I^g Naranarayaiui*s
brother, Chilarai, married Sankaradeva’s niece Kamala-
priya, and this union advanced the cause of VaisMvism
in the Koch kingdom.

During the same period, the Ahoms were also busy in
consolidating their power in the eastern part of the coimtry.
The^Ahom king, Suhungmung or Dihingiya Raja (1497-

2

18

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

1539), annexed the kingdom of the Chutiyas which centred
iv>imd their capital Sadiya. The same king ^ove the Kacharis
from their stronghold at Dimapiir, and subjugated the Bhuya
chieftains ^n the north bank of the Brahmaputra. Suhung-
mung forced cordial ties with the Koch king, Vi^va Siriiha,
and received in 1537 a friendly visit from the latter. Amongst
the Ahom kings, Suhungmung was the first to embrace
Hinduism, assume a Hindu name, Svarga Narayana, and
adopt the Hindu way of life. The great Assamese thinker,
poet and reformer, Sankaradeva, was bom during his reign.
His rule synchronised with the Vaispava Renaissance which
struck deep roots in the religious, cultural and social life of
Assam.

Sankaradeva (1449-1569) -was bom in a Bhuya family at
Alipukhuri, a village on the south bank of the Brahmaputra,
about sixtem miles from the picsent town of NftKgong.
The Bhuyas at that time were powerful- feudal loi ds,’’ enjoying
social privileges granted bv the king. Sankara’s family
was called the Siromani Bhuya, being the chief among the
Bhuyas. His father was Kusumbara. Sankara’s mother died
within three days of his birth, and he was biought up by his
grand-mother, Khersuti. When Sankara was twelve years
old he was sent to a village school maintained by Mahcndra
Kandali, an erudite Sanskrit scholar.

Sankara completed his studies at the age of twenty-two
and emerged a full-fledged scholar. Soon after he left school
heavy domestic responsibilities fell upon his young shoulders.
He was married to Suryavati, a Kayastha bride. Suryavati
died four years after her marriage, leaving an infant daughter.
About the same time Sankara lost hit father. These two
bereavements filled his youthful mind with overwhelming
sorrow and he thought of renouncing the world. After per-
forming his daughter’s marriage, Sankara set out on a long
and arduous pilgrimage (a.d. 1491.) He was accompanied by
seventeen companions including his teacher Mahendra Kan-
dali. A detailed account of this pilgrimage ha? been recorded
in the biographies of Sankaradeva compiled by his disciples.
He visited most of the sacred places and temples of northern
and southern India. Among the sacred places and shrines
that he visited were Gaya, Puri, Vrindavana, Mathura,

THE VAlSNAVirB PEEIOD

Dvaraka, Kasi, Prayaga, Sitakunda, Varahakuada, Ayodhya
and Va^rikasrajna.* At these holy places he came intcf
contact with Vai^^avite teachers of varioij^ schools, and
had many learned and theological discussions ^ith them.
The results of these discussions and the influence th«*y ex-
ercised over his mind were reflected in the Vais^avite move-
ment whith he subqiequently started in Assa^. After twelve
years of such wanderings in many hallowed seminaries of
Vai§i>avite learning, Sahkaradeva returned home a much-
travelled man, equipped with first-fiand knowledge of Vais^-
vite theology, texts, liturgy, and management of institutions.

At the time of the appearance of Sahkaradeva, the Sakta^
and the Tantrik® forms yf worship dominated the country.
Sahkaiadeva’s ancestors were all'Saktas, and one of them
was named Devidas (the Servant of the Goddess) because of
his dcvjJ^ to the goddess of the iSakta cult. Madhavadeva,
Sankara’s devout disciple, and Bhattadeva, anoAer Vaisi>ava
saint of the period, were S^tas before their conversion to-
Vai§riavism. The Kamakhya temple at Gauhati, the Tanue-
ivaii temple at Sadiya, the Parihaicivara temple at Doobi,
the Mahadeva temple at Dergaon, were the main centres of
Sakta worship in the country and from them spread a tre-
mendous influence over the secular and pionastic clergy and
all orders in the social scale. In course of time, the SiUcta
forms of worship absorbed many of the rites and rituals of the
aboriginal tribes and thus gave rise to the fascinating Tantrik
cult. Tantrik rituals with many abominable corruptions were
also practised in Assam in the emturies before the birth of
Sahkaradeva. The Tantrik mode of worship consisted of"
elaborate rituals ineluding occasionally human sacrifices.
Magic, mantra (the word of power), and other esoteric
practices were considered the easiest means of attaining
salvation. Whatever may be the efficacy of Tantrik worship
as a means of salvation, there can be no denying the fact
that it led eventually to moral decadence, social corruption,
perversion, and blas^^emy.

*A religioua faith m which the Sakti or divine energy under its fenude
penonificaw)!!, especially the goddess Durg&, KSlI, KSmSLhyS, and Candl, ia
wor^pped.

* AsMciated with S&kta religious Guth in which mi^pc, mystical formularies*
and many rites aod rituals are usra for the worship of the deities.

20

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Safikaradeva, after his return from pilgrimage, waged a
relentless crusade against SiUcta worship and Tantrik practices.
His stature greiy to its full height against the spiritual barren-
ness of Saktaism. With utter contempt for cant and supreme
faith in the mirit, he vigorously launched the Vaisnavite
Renaissance. Sahkaradeva dispensed with the Vedic rituals
and worship of diverse gods and goddesses. He enjoined
adoration of one God and named his new faith Eka^araiSLandma-
dharmay the religion of supreme surrender to the One, and
that One is Visnu who in the form of Narayana manifests
himself in vaiious incarnations from age to age. The most
beloved incarnation of Visnu is Krsna. Sankaradeva says:
^ ‘There is one God and one devotion, and there is none else.”
The surrender to the One is very rigorously enjoined in his
religion. For an Eka^raniya, the worship of other gods and
goddesses is strictly proliibited. It has been said byjihc saint
himself that a “Vaisnava should not worship any o'ther god’s
temple, nor should he partake of offerings made to any other
god. Bhakti (devotion) would be vitiated by such fickleness.*’

The exaltation of hhakii in iSankaradeva’s religion is well
shown by the following passage in his translation of the
Bhdgavata: “People interpret the BUdgavata^^ says Sri Krsna,
^‘according to theif own whims. They find sanction for
everything except bhakti. Some make it out that the Vedas
inculcate ceremonials, sacrifices, gifts, and oblations; others,
that the Vedas prescribe the worship of smaller gods, pilgri-
mages, and bathing in sacred waters; others, again, that the
supreme bliss comes through knowledge. Their interpreta-
tions are coloured by the dominant attributes of their minds.
But know thou this, oh, my friend, I am not accessible through
knowledge, nor through penance, nor through renimciaticxn,
nor through gifts. I am not accessible by yoga nor by know-
ledge, I am accessible by bhakti alone.”

Sankaradeva, it should be noted, advocated neither a

religion of extreme asceticism nor complete remmeiation of
family life. He upheld the golden mean between the two.
He believed that renunciation should be internal, not external.

He realised that men and i
and to pursue their prof^
family life and took a sgTO^

e to live in the world
himself led a full
b^n^death of the first

THE VAISNAVITE PERIOD

21

one, on his return from pilgrimage. His religion upheh)
the ideal of a chaste *and devoted domestic life and offered a
simple way to salvation based on ethico-dtf^^tional codes;
accordingly, like the go^el of the Buddha, it wofe over the
entire population of the country in no time.

The m^in argument stressed by iSahkaradeva for
stage (house-hold) of life was that the man fn this stage of
life could do many welfare works of the society by supporting
one’s own family and relatives, giwng gifts to the needy and
the poor, and performing religious duty. In upholding this
view, Sahkaradeva was more influenced by the Mahdbhdrata
and the pravrtti mdrga or Katma-yoga (path of action) of the
GUd. He occasionally referred to the utterances of the Sage
Syumarasmi in the Mahdbhdrata where the sage favouring the
house-hold life says: “To achieve a proper equilibrium of
mind iii'lNtiscry as well as happiness, is a necessarystep towards
achieving salvation, if should also be noted that without
taking icsoit to the house-hold life, one does not achieve
this state of mind. Just as all the creatures are 'dependent
on their mother for their life, so all the other diramas (stages
of life) arc dependent upon the house-hold stage of life.”

Sankaradeva’s religion, further, brought a new meaning
and depth to social and cultural life. For the first time in
Assam’s history, he asserted the dignity of man in society
independent of the accid nts of birth and social rank, and
established the spiritual equality of all men. In his fraternity ,
Brahmanas, Sudras and men of lower birth enjoyed equal
liberty of worship, devotion ami prayer. “WTiy need one
be a Brahmana,” says Sankara, “to devoutly recite the name
of Krspa? He might* be a candal or pariah but he is far
superior to any man who does not utter the name of CJod.”
Sankaradeva admitted into his fold peo}>le from all social
orders, and among his chief disciples there were Brahmanas,
tribals, and even Muhammedans.

For some years, Sankaradeva made his native place,
Bardowa (Nowgong district), the radiating centre of his
missionary activities. Here he set up a Salra (monastery)
and erected a Ndmghar or congregational prayer hall for daily
devotional recitations (ndm-kirtan). It was a place for the
performance of religious dramas and evangelical services-

22

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UTERATURB

' ''jkVith these new methods of propagation, he started mass
conversions, and the univmal appeal of his religicm with its
simple tenets inrmediately brought arotmd him a large num-
ber of disciples. As in the case of Martin Luther, Sahkaradeva’s
simple faiA and democratic teachings were, however, not
liked by the Brahmanas, thfc priestly class. They vehemently
opposed his religion, first because he discarded the rites,
ceremonies and modes of worship of the time-honoured
religion preached by the Brahmanas, and secondly because
he made the Sanskrit sciiptures, which were so long the
monopoly of Brahmanas, accessible to all people by rendering
them into Assamese. The Brahmanas were so alarmed at
finding themselves eclipsed by tho> genius of Sankara deva,
whose teachings spread like wild fire amongst the masses, that
they accused him before the Ahom king, Suhungmung Dihingiya
Baja (1497-1539), of bringing disaster to the country by
preaching an unorthodox religion Aot envisaged by the
Vedas. The Ahom monarch summoned Sankaradeva to
argue witli the Brahmanas of his court. Sankara defeated
them and got off from the trial with credit. He, however,
felt that his life would be precarious in the Ahom territory
and so he left the place. He then journeyed to Barpeta
(1543.) in the present district of Kamrup, then under the
Hindu King Naranarayana of Koch Behar. In Baipeta,
he laid the foundations of the Pathbausi Satra, erected a
Namghar, began propagation of his gospel, and fortified the
spirit of the people. He spent the remaining years of his
life in Barpeta, under the patronage of the enlightened Koch
king, in comparative peace. The major portion of his writings,
lyrics, dramas and epics, were comprised here. After three
years of residence at Barpeta, Sankaradeva set out again
on a pilgrimage at the ripe age of ninety-seven (1546). He
was accompanied by one hundred and twenty devotees. During
this journey he met Gaitanya Deva at Puri and is said to
have met the grand-daughter of Kabir.

In his later years, on several occasions, Sankaradeva was
invited by King Naranarayai;^! to his court to interpret the
Sastras and to participate in religious discussions. These
visits to Naranarayaii^’s court brought him added gloiiy, tmd
he carved for himself a permanent niche in the temple of fame

THE VA1H«AV1TB PERIOD

23

for his scholarship, saintliness, and poetry. King Nara-'
narS.ya 9 a ’8 brother,* CilSxai, built a Satra near the capital
called Bheladanga where Sahkaradeva used to stay during
his visit to Cooch-Beha^. Here the great saint, vdio gave to
Assam a new way of thinking about God and m^n, passed
away in ^1569.

The Sankarite movement produced far-r*aching religious
and social effects. It gave a great impetus to the advancement
of learning and literature in Assajn. Sahkaradeva, though a
distinguished Sanskrit scholar, wrote mainly in Assamese,
with the aim of bringing Sanskrit lore within the reach of
the uneducated masses. He wrote and did a number of
textual commentaries and translations to expound his creed,
and he transft<rmed whatever he touched into gold. These
writings had also a practical utility; they were constantly
requirwi^for guidance in the performance of^ one’s duties.
A versatile genius, hfe also wrote poetry, songs and plays
which gave a new impulse to Assamese literature.

Sahkaradeva drew inspiration chiefly from the* Bhagaoata,
which distilled the quintessence of the Vedanta philosophy
into a receptacle of popular and imforgettable legends. An
early attempt was, therefore, made to translate the book
into Assamese. It was really a very bold and extraordinary
imdertaking to render into a provincial language a venerable
text written in the gran'^ style of a classical tongue. In this
connection it is interesting to note that Sahkaradeva was
accused before the Koch king, Nuranarayapa, by the Brah-
mans as an ardent reader, teacher and translator of the
Bhagavata.

The translation of the entire text was not a light job for
one man; so Sahkaradeva allotted different sections for
translation to his disciples. He himself undertook the rendering
of the major portion, namely Books I, II, III, VII, VIII,
IX, X and XII. Besides Sahkaradeva, other writers who
undertook the translation of different sections were Ananta
Kandali (Books IV, VI and a section of Book X), Keiavacarapa
(Books VII and IX), GopSlacarapa Dvija (Book III), Kavi
Kal3.pcandra (sections of Book IV), Sri Visiju Bharati (sec-
tions ,of Book IV), Ratnakara Mihra (sections of Book V),
Sri Gandradeva (sections Book IV), Aniiuddha K&yastha

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURB

(sections of Books IV & V), and Hari (sections of Book V).

The rendering of the Bhagaoata marks an era of renaissance
in Assamese p<)etry. Its literary influence on Sahkarite
litcratmc fyas manifold. It remoul(ied the faith and the
conscience of the Assamese. iSahkaradeva was indebted to
the Bhagaoata not only for* its Knnaite legends but also
for its metres, (expressions and traditions. The greatness of
Sankara’s translation lies not merely in the flowing Assamese
version but in its vital use of the Assamese idiom.

Of all the books of the Bhagaoata, the Adi Da^ama (the
first part of Book X) enjoys universal popularity. This Book
describes the incidents of Kisna’s early life, such as Child
Krsna’s killing of demons, his spores, his tending of cattle
with his friends in forest glades, his childish pranks such as
stealing of butter, milk and curd, h’s quarrels with the milk-
maids, and the various chastisements he had from hjt' foster-
mother Yaiioda. Though permeated with religious emotion,
the DaSama gives an intensely human and realistic picture
of child life, a mother’s love and grief for her little son, and
other themes that eternally move the hiunan heart. It should
however be noted that, unlike as in the Vaispavite literature
of other provinces, Radha does not appear in these scenes,
nor does she find a place in the whole of Sankaritc literature.

The Bhagaoata was an inexhaustible source of knowledge
from which Sahkaradeva drew again and again. Besides
the translation, he composed a large number of works witli
materials from Sanskrit scriptures. His Nimi J^aoa Sidha
Samoada is a doctrinal treatise based on Book XI of the Bhaga-
oata. N^ada lieie recounts before Vasudeva the discussions
which took place between King Nimi' and the nine sages
on various moot points in Hindu theology. Each sage ex-
pounds one of these points, namely, the nature of the religion
of the Bhagaoata, Devotion (Bkakti), Illusion {Maya), way of
escape from Illusion {Salvaiion), Brahma-^oga (The System of
Meditation) and Karma-yoga (The Metaphysics of Action),
demerits of the uninitiated {abhakta), and the nature of a
Divine Incarnation. Here a number of abstruse metaphysical
problems are expotmded in the Assamese language with a
clarity of expression unique of its kind. From its very nature
the work docs not strive to reach any high level of poetry.

THE VAISNAVITE PERIOD 25 -

though some of its verses bear mark of literary excellence.^
The merits of Makti»aTe expressed in popular homilies witft
apt illustrative similes:

• ^ m

He who meditates on the Word of God, Madhava,
Finds at once all his thre^ needs gratified.

Fhrst he find^ lust, ebbing out a sure ygn of devotion,
then grows an indifference to his abode and body.
And love swells for the Foim of the Lord (Krsna),
The centre of love.

The three assets come to one.

Like food to the hungry'.

And each morsel (of meditation) gives the soul fulfil-
ment.

Pleasure grows, the body is restored.

And the soul’s hunger vanishes.

.listen, O King, to the nature of love and devotion.
Even a little (if devotion sustains love well,

Just as a morsel satisfies some.

•

Bkakti-pmdipa, another metaphysical work of Sankara,
gives a reflectise analysis of the nature of devotion [bhakti)
Though the work is said to have been compiled frem the
Garuda Pm ana, in fact its contents tally more with the mate-
rials of Book XI of the Bhagavata. His Anddi Palana is mainly
an adaptation from Book III of the Bhagavata, though a few
episodes arc introduced irom the Vdmana Pmdtfa. The book
deals with cosmological matters and is poor in literary merit.
Gunamdld {Gadand of Ptatses) is on* of the last works of Sankar a-
deva composed at the request oi Koch king, Naranarayaira.
In essence, GunamaHis a little handbook based on Books X
and XI of the Bhdgavata. It is a itoita or stuti type of psalm
with six small sectiens contairring hymns of praise to Vi§nu
and KrsDa. Within the compass of a single laudatory verse,
the poet recounts many incideni- fi-om Krsna’s life making
them easy to remember. In fact, there is not a Vaispavite
in Assam who has not learnt the Gunamdld by rote. Super-
abundance of alliteration with sonorous rhymes makes the
poem suitable for recitation.

The next outstanding literary production of Sahkaiadeva
is the* Kirtana-ghosd (the lyric in praise of God’s Glory), which.

■26

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UTERATURB

•'even today fills the mind and heart of every Assamese with a
lofty spiritual elation. It is looked upon- with the same fond
reverence as ^pmacaritamSnasa of Tulasidasa in northern
India. Th^e is no Assamese Hindu home which does not
possess a copy of Kirtam-ghofd either in manuscript written
. on sanchi-leaves or in print, none where some of its verses
are not recited on religious occasions .and during illness.

The date of composition of the Kirtana-ghosa is not known.
Some biographers say that Sahkaradeva did not write the
book during one particular period, and that the composition
was spread over several years. From the methodical arrange-
ment of the chapters it may be said that though the book
was written at different periods, thig entire opus could have
been projected only in his late years. Furthermore, the
Kirtana-ghosa is not a single poem but a selective collection
of twenty-six poems comprising about 2261 couplets jj>-divcise
metres. General names for these narrative poems are akhydna,
updkhyana, kirtana, vartfana, and vrttdnta. Poems of elegiac
type are c;jilled prqydm-gtld. Most of the jwems are adapta-
tions from the Bhdgavata Purdr^. Two of the poems, Sahasra
J{dma Vfttdnta and Gkunucd-Hrtana, were contributions by
other writers. They were written respectively by two of his
disciples, Ratnakara. Kandal! and Sridhar Kandali, and
were incorporated in the anthology at the desire of the authors.
Each poem included in the Kirtana is of the nature of an
independent work modelled after Sanskrit homiletic kdvyas
and illuminative of many didactic and doctrinal points.
The very name Kirtana is suggestive of the fact that the poems
were intended for chanting in congregational prayers. Each
poem bears a ghosd, a refrain. These poems are recited by
the leader of the religious congregation. After reading a
couplet, the leader repeats the ghosd or lefiain, and the rest,
of the party takes it up with rhythmic clapping of hands

Kirtana-ghosa was a mature product of Sankaradeva’s
mind. A number of episodes from the Bhdgavata are presented
in it with the specific intention of enlightening the ]>eoplc,
in a clear and straightforward style, on the rudiments of the
•doctrine of bhakti and the ethics and spiritual discipline of a
devotee: such episodes as the simple devotion of the^ child
Hhruva, the fearless devotion of Prahlada, the adoration of

THE VAISNAVITE PERIOD 27

Kubji, the friendship of the cowboys, the sincere devotion of
Bipra DSinodar anB Uddhava, the ardent supplication of
Gajendra, the salvation of Ajamila merely* by uttering the
name of God, etc. Thui^ in Kirtam, we find a string of. stories
first of their kind in Assamese literature, charmingly told,
combining instruction and entertainment, and couched in a
moving language. But to a modem reader the merits of
Kirtam do not depend so much upon its didacticism eind
moral or theological content as upon its literary foim, pictures-
que descriptions, originality of treatment, and rhythmic
felicities, which make the work loved at home and revered
abroad. Sankaradeva’s poetry fell upon Assamese ears with
a cadence and music a« familiar as their dialect. As for its
popularity, Shii Jnananath Bora rightly says: “All the senti-
ments — ^pleasure and pain, love and separation, anger and
forgivex^s, are equally blended in Kirtam. It ^ords pleasure
to all classes of readefs. To children it gives stories and songs
for amusement, it delights the ) oung with true poetic beauty,
and the elderly people find here religious instruction and
Kirtana-ghosd stands out not only for its religious outlook but
also for largeness of heart and breadth of vision that transcend
ail religions.” We find such striking passages of universal
appeal as the following :

Numbered are me years that measure your life;
Half the life slips away in the hours of sleep;

A score of years fly in .he winds of boyish pranks;
Ten more years go in coenting coins on the finger-tip.
Think of the^ twenty years at the otlier end of it
When life shall grow too heavy to drag on;

Each hour in the sand-glass shall be an eternity of aches,
Each sunrise bringing dullness and diseases unknown.
And shall melt away the dreams of your eyes and

starry hues;

Confined in a cabin it shall pile up a welter of woes.

(PraklSd Cmira)

We have such pious humility as enshrined in the following
lines:

30

mSTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

'^thili- Assamese dialect said to have been used by Ki^a and
the Gopis in the epic age. This literary medium was in
vogue among the mediaeval Vai;pavite poets of Bragal^
Bihar ,andt»Orissa. It is difficult to ^gucss why Sahkaradeva
made a departure from the popular language of his poems
and chose Brajabuli for his 'devotional lyrics and plays. The
reason may be Chat Brajabuli as a language had less use of
compound consonants, a preponderance of vowels, an alli-
terative fineness of textur,e, and A subtlety of implication,
and these phonetic and other traits may be said to have made
it a more flexible medium for lyric compositions. In addition
to this flexibility, some element of sacredness was associated
with this artificial language, as it wa^ traditionally considered
to be the hallowed language of Vraja (Vrndavana). This
archaic language with a deeper tone and feeling was em-
ployed to “meet requirements which do not arise in/(srdinary
speech”, and it immensely sutceededi in interpreting the
Vaisnavite renaissance. Sahkaradeva was our first great
poet to us^: this artificial language, and superb was the use
he made of it in his Bargits and Ankiya nats. The Buddhist
Carydpadas may be said to have serv'ed for structural models
of these Batgtls.

The BargUs are far more poetical than the kdvyas and
more passionate even than the dkhydnas of Kirtam. The
growing popularity of music and the requirements of the
devotional services made Sahkaradeva compose a large
number of BargUs, the most beautiful psalms in Assamese
literature even today. Sahkaradeva’s BargUs have for their
principal matter religious experience, philosophic reflection
on the world and on morality, poignant introspection of the
self, spiritual anguish, and yearning for illumination. Some
of them speculate on the nature of God, His relation to man,
His boundless compassion, the burden of human existence,
the way of liberation, and so forth. Others are exhortatory,
urging men to ‘chant the name of Hari’, to ‘think of Govinda’,
‘to rest on the feet of Rma, ‘to leave the illusory pleasures
of the world’, and so on. Each one of the BargUs invariably
concludes with a fervent prayer for shelter at the feet of
Govinda and deliverance from suffering. ,

In the BargUs we find Sankaradeva at his most exalted

THE VAIBNAVIIE PERIOD

31

moments. Here he exhibits his power of fusing philosophicajjr
thought with lyrical feeling in a language at once felicitous
and graceful. Numerous are the similes, metephois, allitera-
tions and other figures ol^ speech used in these hymns inaking
them enjoyable and appealing. The popularity of BargUt
grew rapidly and a large numbef of such hymns were com-
posed by later poets. Among these writers, •there are also
women. The best compositions are those of Madhavadeva,.
who himself was a master musiej^n.

Another type of iSankaradeva’s poetry is known as Catihd.
During his pilgrimage at Banaias, Sankaradeva probably
met some disciples of Kabir and heard theii recital of Kabir’s
Cautisd verses, which might have impressed him much. The
Cautisd is an exposition of the religious significance of the
consonants of the alphabet. Just as in Chaucer’s ABC
the verse^begin with the successive letters of the JLiatin alpha-
bet, the lines in this form of composition begin with the
successive consonants of tire Sanskiit alphabet. Their re-
production in Assamese resulted in the Catihdi.

The Ankiyd ndts ha\e both a sensuous and an intellec-
tual appeal. These plays exercised a tremendous in-
fluence on the national and cultural life of Assam; tliey
led to the growth of the popular stago, and development
of music and dancing. The drama represents a spectacle
and its appeal in an age when printing was unknown was
profound. Although first used marnly as a means of promoting
the cause of Assamese Vaises 'sm by their spectacular
appeal to the people at large, these plays ol Sankaradeva
have continued to exercise an abiding influence on the com-
mon folk of Assam to ^is day. They ha\ e inspired Assamese
poetry and led to the creation of a special type of narrative
poem called Bhafimd. Fur ther in the Ankiyd ndts is found the
first Assamese prose; a prose sinewy, musical and ’elevated.

Of SaAkaradeva’s dramas Kdli-uutmna (Subjugation of the
serpent Kdlf), composed at Bardova about 1518, Patni-prasdda
(Favour to Wives), written about 1521 at Dhuvahata, RSsa-^
hridd or Keli-Gopdla (Spott lOith the milkmaids) (1540),
Rukmi^f-karaifa (Abduction of Rukmi^i), Pdrijdta^haraifa (The
theft ofjhe flower Pdrijdtd) and Rdma-vijaya (The Conquest of
Rdma), the last composed at Gooch Behar in 1568 at the

32

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

^request of King Naranirayai^a, are now extant. The first
three plays were based on scriptural materials drawn mainly
from the Bkagaoata. Rukm^Uharaifa and PSrijSta-hatatfa are
adaptations respectively from Hari^amia and Vi?piPura^\
the story, of Rma-vijqya is taken mainly from the Ramaya^.
The stories of all these plays have a happy ending. The
story of each 9lay being pre-determined and presentation
being mainly confined to ecclesiastical propaganda rather
than artistic representat^n, the playwright had to work
under serious limitations. Sahkaradeva was a preacher first
and artist afterwards. So he selected the episodes that served
his proselytising purpose. Nevertheless, even under these
limitations, in some of his plays,i, particularly in Rukmi^i-
hwrana, Pdrijdta-harajfa and Rama-vijaya, he could break new
ground. Even in the small canvas of these plays, the main
characters stand out in bold relief.

The growth of Ankiyi nafs was influenced by the earlier
practice of reciting kdvyas and sdstras in social and religious
congregations. Prior to the composition of the Ankiyd ndis,
Sahkaradeva himself had written a set of kdvyas which were
used in such recitals. He realised the effectiveness of the
dramatic medium in propagating his cult — an effectiveness
greater than that of merely reciting the story as in the kdryas
whose appeal was auial and not visual.

It should also be noted that when he wrote his Ankiyd
ndts, Sankaradeva was a much-travelled man, having led a
pilgrim’s life for twelve years visiting most of the sacred
places of northern and southern India. It may be surmised
that he had seen the dramatic enter^inments like Rdmlild,
RdslUd, Ydtrd, Kathaka, Yaksagdna, Bhdgavaiam and Bhavai,
popular at the time in other parts of India. On his return
home, he immediately seized the opportunity of turning
the kdvya type of entertainment into the dramatic, and put
the stories of the Bhdgavata Purdiyi into action by living per-
formances.

During Sankaradeva’s time, there were other kinds of
popular dance and dramatic entertainments in Assam such
a temple dance, Deodhani-»&, Putala-»Jc and C>ja-Pali
pesrformances. The choral singing of Oja-Pali was extremely

THE VAI8NAV1TB PERIOD 33

popular, and it continues till today as a very common enter^
tainmoit in our vill?>ges. The Oja-Pali party usually consists
of four to five singers, and is divided into tyo groups, each
singing in chorus. The leader is called Oja, an^ his com-
panions are called Palis' One of the Palis is call^ t)aina
Pali, the right-hand or the chief assistant of the Oja. The
leader extemporises^ or unfolds the story, retjtes the refrain,
and the Palis repeat the refrain by playing on cymbals and
keeping time with the movements of their feet. In interpreting
the verse-narrative, the Oja uses dramatic gestures, e^^es-
sions, and movements. Occasionally, in the middle of the
performance, the Oja pauses and converses with the Daina
Pali by way of ejq>ounding the story in order to give the
entertainment the appearance of a dramatic dialogue. This
pre-Vai;Davite Oja-Pali dance-recital might have given to
Sahkara/(^eva the basic idea for the production of Ankfya
plays. It may, therefore, be reasonably presumed that the
lecital of kaoyas, Oja-Pali choral singing, and spectacular
shows of other parts of India, might have jointly contributed
to the rise of the fully developed drama in Assamese.

Though the AAkiya plays^ have largely been developed
out of native and indigenous mateiials, the influence on it
of the Sanskrit drama and dramaturgy, is also perceptible
to a great extent. Sahkaradeva himself styled these dramatic
compositions nat and natakas after the Sanskrit names. Other
titles used by the Vai§nava poets for this type of plays are
YSira, Jirtd, and Anka. The shorter plays of Madhavadeva
are called Jhumura. The more popular name, however, is
Ankiya not. These plays, however, bear no resemblance to
the Ahka type of RGpakas^ in Sanskrit. Ankiya nat is a
generic term in Assamese and means a dramatic composition
in a single act depicting the articles of Vai;Dava faith.

In technique, too, these Ankiya nats follow to a certain
extent the texts on Sanskrit dramatic theory, particularly
with reference to use of Sanskrit verses and nSndi, the in-
troduction of the role of Sutradhara, and performance of
the prelinunaries (Pfirva-rahga). Unlike as in Sanskrit plays,
the SfltradhSra* is an integral part of an Anktyd not. In

^ A type of Sanskrit drama.

* The stage-manager (ht., the thread-holder).

3

34 mSTCHlY OF ASSAMESE UIXRATURB

^Sanskrit dramas, the SQtradhara disappears altogether after
the invocation. But it is different with> the ‘Assamese plays.
Here, the Sfitradhara remains all along on the stage. Further,
the Siitradhara in an Ank^a drama combines the functions
of the producer and a running commoitator. He dances
with the orchestra, opens <the play by reciting the nSndi^
verse, introduces the characters, gives them directions, an-
nounces their exits amd entrances, fills in lacunae in the
action of the play by song, dance and speech, and delivers
brief discourses on the ediical and spiritual points of the
plot. Further, there are no acts or scenes in an Anktya play,
and changes of scene are either announced by the Sutradhara
in his dialogue or by orchestral singing. The A^-pd ndts
needed the services of the Sutradhara to perform all these
roles to heighten and popularise the effect of the -Bhavand or
performance, as the audience consisted mainly of unlettered
villagers who at every stage of the progress of the play re-
quired explanations. The role bf the SQtradhara is there-
fore very hnp>ortant in an Assamese Bhdvand, and even today
he is necessarily a man of no mean talents. He is an actor,
a trained musician, and an accomplished dancer. Wherever
possible, the most artistically gifted man of the village is
chosen as the Sutradhara to guide and conduct the play.
He is trained from childhood in music, dancing and dramatic
technique.

The other noteworthy chaiacteristic of an Adktyd ndf
is its essential lyrical nature. In these plays songs and verses
greatly preponderate, and the playwrights largely use them
to bring home the message inculcated in the play. Many
situations and incidents are suggested by mere descriptive
verses uttered by the Sutradhara instead of being represented
through action and character. Minor incidents and feelings
and sentiments are at places given expression to by songs.
The dialogue which is introduced mainly to elaborate die
lyrical sentiments in prose is very thin, though extremely
musical. In these plays, the writer appears more as a poet
and composer than as a dramatist. His play is not a drama
in the real sense^ but a Uyrico-dramatic ^ectacle’.

The songs and verses of the plays bear special characteris-

^ The benedictory verse of a drama.

THE VAISNAVITE PERIOD

tics, and they are called Aiikar gU and bhatimS. In soD^e
plays, BergUs, a special type of devotional songs, are also
included. Each Atijii)fd git or dramatic song contains a dkuva
or refrain, and bears 9 particular raga (melody, tHa (time
measure) and mana (rhythm).

Like the Sanskrit drama nlbst of the Ankiyd plays open
with preliminaries prescribed in the orthodox Ndtya-idstra
(dramaturgy), namely, ndndi, prarocand and prastdoand. In
earlier Assamese plays, there a^e usually two ndndi verses
with 8 or 12 feet of verse or carai^a', one of this is of a bene-
dictory nature and the other suggests the subject-matter
of the play. Some of the later pla)^ totally discarded the
ndndi verse in Sanskrit* and in its place introduced a bene-
dictory poem in Assamese. In Sanskrit drama, the general
stage direction, ndndyante sStraOhdra^ brings the SQtradhira
after the ndndi, which implies that the ndndi was not recited
by the Sutradhara. But in the Ankryd plays, the ndndi recital
is the specific function of the SQtradh^a.

The ndndi being over, the Sutradhara anhounces the
subject-matter of the play in a Sanskrit verse {prarocand).
This is invariably accompanied by a long poem in Assamese
called bhafirnd. Then follows the prastdoand. The Sutradhara
hears a celestial sound. On this poiirt a discussion arises,
and as it progresses the Sutradhara announces the names
of the approaching personages. At the end of this discussion
the companion (sa^gi) retires from the stage.

The Sutradhara apart, there appear two other additional
characters in an Assamese play, namely the Data and Bakuvd.
They are, however, outside the category of the dramatic
personnel, and the^ are introduced in actual performances
of the play to serve as heralds and to provide comic relief.
The Duta and Bahuva appear on the stage to explain the
reasons for eventual interruptions in the progress of the play.
They also announce the change of scene and the entrance
of new characters on the stage. The Bahuva has other duties
too; besides filling in gaps in the narration he is to relieve
the monotony and amuse the audience as best as he can by
his skits and jokes which he himself invents, of course, in
rigid, conformity with traditional practices. He, however,
is never allowed to interfere vdth the organic part of the play.

^6 HISTORY OF ASSAHE8B LITERATURE

Vjust as the play begins with a characteristic benediction,
so it ends with a prayer in Assamese 'called imkA-mangal
bhatima, where, the Stltradhara begs forgiveness of God for
any faults «Sf omission or commissi<^ in the management
of the drama. Lastly, he emphasises the moral effect of the
play, and desires his audience* to follow the path of righteous*
ness.

The most striking feature of the staging of an AAktyS
nat is the co-ordination and harmony of the four elonents—
song, rhythmic representation by dance, melody emanating
fr< m appropriate instruments, and dialogue. We have al*
leady referred to the lyrical nature of the Anklya nat, which
abounds in songs and verses of varied forms. In an Assamese
play, Bhaoand, all the characters move rhythmically from
the beginning to the end, in the foim of dancing with ap-
propriate steps, gestures and abkinqya (dramatic) postures.
In short, the whole narration of the stoty progresses through
dances, and dancing is considered one of the best arts for
awakening fueling. It may be said that the Assamese dramatic
peifuimance consists mainly of movements of the limbs,
rhythm forming an essential part.

In this dance-drama, the Sutradhara is the principal
dancer. After the reeitation of the nandi, the SGtradhgra
interprets the story and the sentiments embodied in the
sh ka by appropriate dance. This is done by the Sutradhara
all through the play. The major three dance-forms of an
Ankiya Bhdvand are SStradhdra-ndc (dance of Sutradhara),
Krsifa-ndc (dance of Krishna), and Gopi-ndc (dance of the
milkmaids). Other forms of dances are Rdsa-ndc, Natuvd~
ndc and Cali-nde; all are more or less aaapted from classical
te\ts on dancing.

Before the recital of the ndndi verse, an Assamese Bhdvand
displays a prolonged series of dances by the Gayan-Bayan
]'a<'ty with Ae Sfltradhara as its leader. This is called Dhemdll
<jf Rahga. It consists of singing and dancing of an invocative
and devotional nature by the orchestra or Gayan-BGyan with
acc mpaniment, mainly, of khol (drum) and tdla (cymbal).
The essential aim of these preliminary dances loiown as
saru-dhemdli, bara-dhemali, deva-dhemdli, gkofd-dkem&i, and so
cn and so forth, is to secure the favour of God for the play

THE VAISNAVITB PERIOD

37

to be presented. Sometimes these preliminaries continue
unceasingly for several hours before the actual performance
of the play.

The dhemSli or musj,cal prelude very much resen\,bles the
pSrvaraAga, the preliminaries mentioned in Bharata’s Pfatya-
Sastra, ^d as in the Sanskrit pdays it does not form a part of
the drama proper. According to Bharata, the pSrmra^ga
has twenty different constituent elements of which nine
are performed behind the curtaip and the rest on the stage.
In later dramatic practice, this elaborate procedure under*
went a considerable cut. This happened in the Assamese
performances also; the occurrence in Ahktya not of the
expression alam atimstre^ (no use elaborating) after the i ecita-
tion of the nSndi is a pointer to the fact. At the end of the
performance the instrumental music and dance are repeated.
The erd of an incident in the play is also jnarked by the
playing of the orcheStral music and dance of the Sfitradhara,
which serve as a welcome relief.

The Ankiya ndts were written more with a religious motive
than for secular enjoyment. Hence they were staged in the
village Namghar (the prayer-hall), on occasions like Janmas-
pami, Dolyatra and Rasa-PSrnima. Later on, they came to
be staged on festive occasions, for example, on full-mot n
nights, during seed-time and harvest, and whenever the
villagers were free from agricultural work. Sometimes special
houses and temporary sheds or rabhas are constructed for
such dramatic performances. MSdhavadeva is said to have
set up at Barpeta a big hall called barghara or ran^yal-ghara
to stage his plays Bhojana VViara and Dadhi Mathana.

The Namghar iS the common property of the villagers,
where they meet each evening to listen to the recitations of
the sacred scriptures by the Pataka, and to join the evening
prayer. During the day, the NSmghar becomes a seat of
justice where major village disputes are settled and topics
of local interest are discussed by the leading vills^ers. On
festive occasions, it converts itself into a public theatre. So
the NSn^har plays a significant part in the social and religious
life of the Assamese people. It has not only preserved the cul-
tural traditions of Assam but immeasurably helped the growth
and development of Assamese music, dance and drama.

38

mSTORY or ASSAMESE UTBRATURE

\^he NSmghar is a two-roofed thatched structure generally
measuring more than fifty feet in length/ and is rectanguhu*
in shape (like xhQtnkriftd type of play-hoiise mentioned in the
Na^a-iiaird)* Close to it, at one oid^ is built a small house
called the [garbhagfha of a Hindu temple), where

an image or a copy of a reKgious sciipture is plac^ on a
simkdsana, a woodbn throne. Except the initiated few, others
are not allowed inside the Manikut- The Namghar consists
of two wings. The one near, the Mat)fikut is reserved for the
Adhikar,tbe pontiff, who usually presides over the performance,
and for the Brahmanas ; and the other for the actors. The side
close to the entrance forms the general auditorium {ranga-
ma94^pa) where the audience sit on mats or on the bare
ground. There are two tows of pillars in the middle of the
hall, and seats near some are reserved for distinguished
visitors. About two-thirds of the space between the rows
of pillars make the stage or ranga-bhumil which has no raised
platform. The orchestra and the actors sit surrounding the
space meant* for the stage. There is no other special airange-
ment for the stage than an drkapor {pati or apati of a Sanskrit
play), a white curtain which is used when the principal
actors come out from the cho-ghar (Skt. chadma-grha) , the
green room, situated near the Namghar. All the actois do
not appear on the stage at the same time; they wait in the
cko-ghar till their presence on the stage is announced
by the Siitradhara. Sometimes, after playing their parts
in a particular scene, they do not leave the stage but sit with
the orchestra awaiting their next appearance.

The general term for actors in Assamese is Bhavartyd (from
Skt. bhdvatd), i.e., one who produces bhdva or emotion in
the mind of the audience. Those who play the dance-roles
are called nartaka, natuvd or nafa (as they represent the actions
of others). Those who supply the orchestra are called gdyan^
the singer, and bdyan, the instrumental musician.

Then, as now, there were no professional actors ; they were
recruited from the villagers. Assamese acting is thus the
work of amateurs.* The roles of the principal characters of
Kff^a and Rama and their consorts are played by handsome
young men specially of the higher castes, as they in iheir
dramatic roles have to receive the obeisance of the other

THE VAIfifAVTTE PERIOD

39

actors and of the audience. These actors are supposed t^
observe a fast before the Bhavana is presented. Female roles
are performed goierally by teen-agers ha^ng a feminine
appearance.

Unlike, however, as 'with the earlier Sanskrijt dieatre,
the reputation of actors of an Assamese Bhavana was never
low nor dishonourable. Even men of erudition, great artistic
attainments and high social, religious, and political status
played roles in an Assamese Bhavana without loss of prestige
and honour.

The Adhikar, when present at a performance, becomes
preksapati, the guest of htrnour or sabhdpati. He receives
obeisance from the actors as well from the audience. The
audience is addressed as sabhdiad or samajik.

The actors have special sets of dresses. These are preserved
in the house of the khanikar, a painter and maker of wooden
and earthen images profession. His services are indispens-
able to the actors. He makes the image of God for worship,
prepares the effigies (cho) and masks (mukha), makes arrange-
ments for necessary costumes required in different perfor-
mances, constructs the weapons of battle, such as sword,
shield, bow and arrow, discus, club, etc., helps in the general
make-up of the actors in the green-room, and has to provide
driya and matd, that is, the torches, when the performance
takes place at night. The khanikat or the maker of the masks
is a man of many attainments, and his services are used
mainly for the prerequisites outside the stage. He derives
his inspiration and his skill in the arts from an accumulated
fund of hereditary knowledge. He has not only imagination
and ability requireef to make grotesque and fantastic life-size
masks, but has also, to execute them properly, an accurate
knowledge of human physiognomy and of the nature of the
animal world, and, above all, a full acquaintance with the
dramatic requirements.

Besides masks, the dress and appearance of the characters
are very carefully made up as regards both design and colorrr.
The Sutradhara wears a ghuri or crinoline with broad lace-
buttons and flowing to the ankle; a phatau or a vest with or
withput sleeves, and a colourful karadhani or waist-band.
He ties a particular type of turban (pig) to his head. The

40 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UTERATURE

^Syan-bSyan troupe wear a costume like that of the Sctradhara
but of simpler designs and homelier thaterials. The other
male characters put on dhuU coming down to the knee and a
waist-coat. fThese may be colourful ^d embroidered accord-
ing to the rank of the character who wears them. The costumes
for female roles are carefully* chosen, their main dre^ consist-
ing of mekhela (flowing skirt), rika (breast-cloth) and chador
(shawl). They wear ornaments in profusion, of course, of
tinsel.

The actois use paints for their make-up, befitting their
roles. The conspicuous paints are generally prepared by
mix in g hengul (cinnabar) and hdital (yellow-oipiment). The
different colours, whether used sipgly or in combination,
have traditional significance; for example, Krs^a, with his
long head-dress, called kiriti, is painted in iyama i.e., blue-
black, a Brahman or mendicant in white, a violent and
brutal man in red, the devils in black. '

Effigies and masks were probably in use in Assam, specially
in popular.' dancing, prior to the introduction of the drama
by Sailkaradeva. We have a reference to that effect in the
first show, namely, Chihnayatra, produced by Sankaradeva
and his companions, where a mask was worn by Gaiuda,
the vehicle of Visr^u.* The variety of masks that are used in
Assamese Bhaoana may be classified into three types : (i) those
representing grotesque forms or hideous persons, such as
Rava^a, the king of the RSksasas; Kumbhakarr^a, his brother ;
Yama, the god of death; Hanuman, the lord of monkeys,
etc.; (ii) these for different arrimal-actors such as Garuda,
Kaliya-serpent, boar, monkeys, Jatayu-bird, etc.; (iii) Ae
comic masks of Ae buffoons and Ae jesters.

Masks Aat cover the head and Ae face are generally in
use. But in many performances elaborate life-size effigies
are indispensable, particularly in RSoatfa-badh, KSliya-daman,
and Syamanta-haran. In Ravatfa-badh Bhdvana, a life-size
mask wiA ten heads and as many as hunAed hands is worn
by Rava^a; Kumbhakar^a and Hanuman have also res-
pective life-size masks. In KSltya-daman and in Syamanta-
hara^ life-size masks are worn by Kiliya serpent and by
Jambuvanta, Ae bear-king wiA whom Krapa fought to
rescue the gem syamanta.

THE VAISNAVITE PERIOD

41

To make them light in weight and make movements easyy
with them on, large-asze masks are made of bamboo splinter-
bars and cloth. The buffoons wear small jnasks prepared
from clay, cloth, rough ^ paper and tree-bark; the b^k of
the plaintain tree is also used to serve temporary j)urposes.
Head-dresses and upper masks,* i.e., masla for head and
face, are carved out«of wood and hard bark-sheet.

In most cases, the time of performance of a Bhavana is in
the evening, and it continues all through the night. Sometimes
it starts in the afternoon and then goes on till night. The
presentation of smaller plays such as Madhavadeva’s Cor-
dhara or Pimpara Guchuvd is of shorter duration and ends
before nightfall. No pla)^ however, is presented in the early
hours of the morning. Further, Bhavanas aie mostly presented
during the winter months beginning from Magha (mid-
January) to Vaiiakha (mid- April), i.e., after the harvesting
and before the commAicement of ploughing season, a period
when the villagers are practically free from work in the fields.
On occasions, a number of villages assemble together and
for several days continuously present different plays both
day and night. They are called Bara-khfliya Bhavanas, i.e.,
Bhavanas performed by several khels (guilds).

Thus Ais new genre of literature, .combining different
forms of ait and giving Acm a composite expression of its
own, happens to be the most remarkable phenomenon in
the history of Assamese literature. AlAough an eAico-
religious mood is the dominant note of Ae Ahkiyd nits,
they have admirably dovetailed Ae dance-tradition of Ae
soil into the classical tradition of drama and music along
wiA occasional gleflnings of art-fragments from different
parts of India.

It is true Aat Ae Vaisnavite movement gave a tremendous
impetus to Ae development of Assamese liteiature in various
directions, but Ae personality and Ae genius of Sahkaradeva
gave it a galloping momentum. I§ankaradeva was himself
a source of infinite inspiration to contemporary writers.
His devout disciple Madhavadeva, anoAer literary luminary
of Ae time, composed lyrics and dramas at Ae suggestion
of his, guru. The circumstances of Ae compilation of Pfitna-
ghofi or Hijari-ghosa by Madhavadeva, a treatise of philo-

42 HISTORY 07 ASSAMESE UTERATURE

^sophical verses, are vividly described in JCaihS-guru-carit.
M&dhavadeva undertook the translation of Vis^upuri San*
nyasi’s BhakH~^tnSvali and composed the kS^a, Rajasuya,
at the request of Sahkaradeva. A<xording to tradition, the
first duplet of each of the texts of Nama-ghosa and BhakH-
RatnSoali was composed by Sahkaradeva as a mark of his
kind regard foicihis disciple. RSma Sarasvati, ano^er prodi*
gious contemporary writer, undertook to translate the Maha-
bharata at the suggestion^ of Sahkaradeva. His indebtedness
to Sankara was very great. An interesting story is told re-
garding the translation of some sections of Book X of the
Bhagavata Purina by the Brahmana Ananta Kandali. In a
dream Ananta Kandali was directed to partake of the re-
mains of Sahkara’s meals ; when the Brahmana asked Sahkara
for them, the latter refused to offer them but instead, en-
trusted Ananta Kandali with the rendering of the remaining
sections of Book X of the Bhagavata Purai^, which Sahkara
himself had previously undertaken to tianslate. Most of the
other poefs who translated different books t>f the Bhagavata
were either directly commissioned b> Sahkaradeva or
inspired by his immediate disciples to undertake the
translations.

After all that has. been said above, any special treatment
of the dominant motif of Sahkaradeva’s writings is hardly
needed. His literature was meant chiefly foi didactic ends
and was intended to propagate the Vaisjpavite movement.
In tone, colour and form, it is predominantly religious and,
therefore, suffers from certain limitations. As religion and
morality are inseparable, his writings give much emphasis
on the ethical aspects of religion. Ssthkaradeva, at many
places with apt illustrations from the epics and the Purdifos,
extolled such virtues as satya, truth, day a or kfpd, mercy,
dana, charity, ahimd, non-injury, kfamd, forgiveness, anasuyatd,
absence of envy, dhrti, patience, iraddhd, respect and ^ma,
control of senses. The vices that lead to misery and des-
truction are enumerated as follows: kdma, sensual pleasure,
krodha, anger, labka, desire, moka, delusion, mdna, pride,
mdtsaiya or asdyd, envy and jealousy. In spite of the pre-
dominance of these religious and ethical matters, there are
magnificent and inspired utterances that have a universal

TH£ VAISNAVIFE PERIOD 43

appe^d and touch the chords of every human heart. In many
of them we have the tfue religion of man for all ages.

We have already noticed that Nature too has some place
in Sahkaradeva’s writings^ In fact, his brilliant descriptions
of Nature were largely instrumental in transmuting much
of his religious slag to rich lyritfal quartz. The poet took
rapturous delight in 'lingering over die beauties of rivers,
oceans, groves, forests, and mountain scenery. He portrayed
them as they presented themselves ,to his eyes, and did not
project his own feelings and sentiments into them. Although
not attempting to discover any spiritual message, he saw,
like Gerard Manley Hopkins, God’s grandeui in every beauty
of Nature. His famous descriptions of Divya Upavana in
the Haramohana or the Citrakuta in Gajendra Up^hyana are
pointers to the fact. Each one of them exhibits the author’s
penetrating and sensitive observation of Nature jind unfolds
a kaleidoscopic landscape.

In liteiar) conventions, modes, and figures of speech
Saiikaradeva closely adhered to the canons of Sanskidt poetics
and followed the classical traditions. Most of the images,
expicssions, and ideas used in his poetry were drawn from
the traditional Sanski it poets ; as for instance, the comparison
of the lovely suppleness of a body to a flash of lightning {vijuli
rfkkd) or burnt gold (tapta suvart^a), of the thigh to the trunk
of an elephant {kari-kara) or the stem of a plantain tree, of
the neck to a conch {kambu-kantha) , of the arms to the rounded
body of a serjjent {valita bhujaAga), of the forearms to lotus
stalk {mrnSla-darfda), of the fingers to the petals of campaka
flower {campaka-papaii) or to sticks of gold {kanaka-ial^a),
of the eye to a new Ibtus petal or to a cakova bird, of the
eye-brows to Cupid’s bow, of the side-long glance to Cupid’s
arrow, of the face to the moon, of the nose to a sesamum
flower, of the redness of the lips to a ‘banduli’ flower or a
ripe bimba fruit (both are as red as ripe cherries), of
well-formed teeth to a string of pearls or the seed of a pome-
granate, of the breasts to badari fruits or goodly jars, of move-
ment to that of a swan {rajahamsa) or an elephant {gajagait)
or a lion’s (mfgarSja), of the voice to that of a cuckoo, and
hundreds of o^ers of such stereotyped comparisons. Among
various figures of speech alliteration, which helps to create

44

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UTERATURE

impressions of different sounds and produce marvellous
mdody, permeates all his poetry. *

Of the %uses of sense, similes of various types are a very
favourable device and are frequently employed to elaborate
an idea. Sometimes a series of similes run through a stanza
to drive home one and the same fact. To suggest Si4up3la*s
undeserving d.»ire to marry Rukmini, no less than a dozen
similes are piled on each other :

‘This Siiiupala [Rukmiiii says] comes to marry me; my life
has taken a better turn indeed; with what cheek has he come
to marry me? As a fox would feed on the lioness, as a baby
would snatch at the moon, as the frog in the corner would
long for nectar, so would Si^upala desire me. As the crow
would feed on the offerings made at a yajha, as the degraded
Br&hmana would covet great gifts, as the Brahmana-slayer
would aspire for heaven, so would King iSiSup^a desire me.
He talks of being husband to Rukini^i. But who would
shut her eyes setting aside Madhava, the Lord of the three
worlds, md choose Siiiup^a? What man would ignore the
lion and 'ask for the pig? Who would ignore milk and drink
the water in which fish has been washed.

Sahkaradeva’s writings are also rich in other alamkaras.
A feature which made his writings acceptable to the popular
mind is the use of proverbs in surprising numbers. These pithy
sayings, racy of the soil, are used to illustrate facts of ordinary
life, moral precepts and the wisdom of the common man.

Whatever be the merits or limitations of Sahkaradeva’s
writings, they have been for the last five centuries a source
of delight, inspiration, consolation and wisdom to the Assamese
people. In his own age Sahkaradeva was acclaimed as a
mastw poet, and his compositions became the touchstone and
criterion of poetic excellence during succeeding generations.
The Assamese honour him for greatly developing the resources
of their language, for widening the imaginative range of their
literature, and for raising it to classical elegance and richness
by imparting to it what is good and beautiful in Sanskrit.
We may say after Madhavadeva that “formerly the streams
of love-nectar flowed only within the confines of Heaven,
until Sankara came and breached the embankments; and
lo, now it flows tumultuous through all the world!” Despite

THE VAUNAVITE PERIOD

45

change of outlook, shifting of ideals, and birth of new literary
forms, Sahkarldeva’s ^writings have come to stay with us
as a standard and measure of great poetry^ Even today
his one-act plays are acted, the bar^ts are sung,, and the
kSoyas are read with enthusiasm. We treasure them ^as ‘part
of our natitmal, cultural and spiritual heritage.

The nexf outstanding figure in die Assamese Vai;navite
movement is Madhavadeva, the favourite disciple of Sahkara-
deva. He blazed across the literal^ firmament of Assam,
a spectacular phenomenon. He was born in 1492 at Lete-
kuphkhuri in Lakhimpur. He was originally a Sakta, but
when he came in contact with Safikaradeva, the latter com-
pletely won him over to Ips cult. From then Madhavadeva
became !§ankaradeva’s shadow, his most accomplished and
faithful follower. The Vaispavite movement gained a great
impetus by his conversion, for in him was a remar^ble
force of intellect and strength of character, imperative re-
quisites for a great social and religious reformer. A master
of the traditional learning of the time, he was also* a melli-
fluous singer. Almost against the wishes of Sankaradeva
Madhavadeva remained a celibate thioughout his life, and
his ideal brought into being a monastic order called Kewaliyas
(life-celibates). In fact Madhavadeva is. regarded as the
real founder of the Satra institution, for he placed it on a firmer
footing and introduced a very rigorous and disciplined monas-
tic code. Further, he advocated complete allegiance to his
guru Sankaradeva, and enjoined the vow of chastity and
poverty. After Sahkaradeva’s death, when the apostolic
mantle fell on him, the rigorous monastic life strictly en-
joined by Madhavadeva on all acaiyas^ and disciples became
a cause of rift and schism in the Mahapurushiya* com-
munity.

The first literary work of M&dhavadeva is Janmarahasya^
a small poem on the creation and destruction of the world
based on the Puranic theory. His next work is versification
of the Bhakti-Ratnavali of VisDupuri Sanyasi. This important
book on the Bhakti cult was rendered into Assamese verse
by Madhavadeva at the direction of his master, Sankaradeva,
and in Jliis translation the author borrowed materials from

* ^lAkarite sect.

* Preceptora.

46

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

the conunentary KSniimSUi, Madhavadeva also rendered
the Adi-kdnda (Book I) of the Ram^a^a. One of his popular
works IS the RdjasSjui yajna. The subject-matter of the poem
was boniowed from the MahSbkdrata episode of the RajasGya
sacrifice of the Pao^a-vas. The l^ok is written in a very
popular style and incorporates many inteiesting episodes.
The poet herf and there reveals his indebtedness to Migha
and other classical Sanskrit poets.

With the production of these works the genius of Madhava-
deva came of age. His writings ranged from the simplest
and sweetest works of poetry to most difficult writings on
abstruse metaphysical subjects. He marshalled all his varied
poweis born of his penetrative intellect, comprehensive
knowledge and deep erudition to establish Sahkaradevas’
system on a fiim and secure foundation. Viewed from this
point Madhavadeva’s magnum opus, the supreme achievement
of Assamese Vai^pavite hymnic ripture, the Ndma-ghosd,
known also as Hdjdn~gkosd (a book of thousand couplets),
occupies* a unique place in the philosophical literature of
Assam, nay of India. It is not only widely read but memorised
and freely quoted as scriptural text, and thus, without a
doubt, is an enduring prop of Assamese Vaisnavism. The
philosophy of Madhavadeva as revealed in J^dma-gkofd
divides itself into different sections, namely, Maya, its nature
and effects; cosmology; the Brahman; means of self-reali-
sation ; psychology of the Jiva ; the goal of human life.

At the very outset Ndma-ghosd explains that just as a dream-
ing man believes m the dream world which is his own creation,
the individual self under the influence of Maya forgets its
true nature— the pure self, and takcfo the unreal wuild, a
creation of Maya, as real. That is why Madhavadeva says,
“Thy Avidya (illusion). Oh Hari, has so bewildered and
bewitched me that I do not know Thee in Thy essence (or
Reality).” He clearly says all that is seen and extended in
forms is nothing but Maya, and as such all of it should be
rooted out from the mind.

According to Hinduism, the creation of the woild is not
out of nothing. The Bhdgavata says that the world is created,
made to stay and dissolved by The Ndma-gkofd

solves the problem by saying that quite distinct from Puru^

THE VASNAVITB raRKW 47

and Prakfti and yet die cause and upholder of the two is
ParameSvara Naraya^a. ;

In this world, the ‘inhabiter* or the ‘in<|weller’ (Purusa)
has two forms; the Ksara (perishable) and the AJc^a (im-
perishable). The Suprefhe (Uttama Purusa) is otherwise
called P2iramatihan, the Immutable, and the Lord upholds
the three 'worlds having interpenetrated thejp.

Thus there exists nothing but Brahman. Brahman alone
is true in essence. He is all-pervading, in all space and in
all time. Madhavadeva says, “I bow down to Thee again
and again, O Eternal, unstained one! Thou art the Reality,
the everlasting Narayana, Siva, the Infinite without beginning,
the Absolute without attributes. Thou art Bhagavanta,
the Supreme Purusa, who has no antecedent or subsequent,
neither beginning nor end. Thou art the only consciousness
that thinkest out the whole universe.” In short, Nama-gho$i
maintains that the universe is nothing but a manifestation of
God.

The Ndma-ghosa says that Brahman is Eternal, Infinite
Good, Benevolent, Permanent, All-pervading, one without a
second, and beyond all change. In essence all apparent
variety in name and form is nothing but Brahman. Brahman
is beyond space, time or causation. It. is absolutely pure,
perfect, impartite, and indestructible. It is of the nature
of pure consciousness. Anything which is not in the beginning
and not at the end necessarily does not exist in the middle.
Thus Brahman is like the vast expanse of the sky, the beginning
or the end of which is unfathomed. It is Brahman that creates,
preserves and destroys the universe.

The Brahman is • both immanent and transcendental.
It pervades all the three worlds and is yet apart from them.
It is beyond the three qualities, beyond merit and demerit.
It is Sama,^ Narottama*, Nirvikara®, Niianjana*. Above all.
Brahman is Sahajimanda®, SvaxQpihianda', and Parama-
nanda.^

Madhavadeva believed in Incarnations because his un-
manifested and unqualified God may be brought to manifest

* Equality. ■ Best of men. • The imchangcd.

* Thsi unstained. * Whose joy is spontaneous.

* Whose very nature is spontaneous. ’ Supreme joy.

48

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Himself by virtue of devotion. J{Sma-gho$a speaks of the
following ten AvatSras (Incarnations) : viz.,^ Matsya, Kfirma,
Narasiihha, V^pana, Paraiurima, H^irama, Varaha, Sri
Rama, Byddha, and Kalki. Thus the idea of Brahman of
Brahihanising the soul is the keynot% of Mama-ghofd’s thought
and religion.

According to^NSma-ghofd, there are twQ stqis to Sblf-realisa-
tion: Bhakti and Grace of Guru. Ndma-ghofd considers
the path of devotion to be the easiest of all. It is even superior
to Jh^a (Knowledge), Karma (Action), and Yoga (Con-
tonplation). Knowledge and action cannot save one where
devotion does not avail. It further says: “Contemplation
is prescribed for Satya-yuga, Jhana ft>r the Treta, Piija or
ceremonial rites for the Dvapara; in the Kali-yuga,^ how-
ever, there is no other religion than chanting the name of
Hari.” Devotion alone helps one to cross the ocean of the
world. This alone is the path to salvation.

The devotional recitation of the name of Hari is regarded
as the supreme religion of the Kali-yuga. He who wears
constantly the invulnerable amulet of the name of Rama
and Ki^t^a is no more pierced by the strokes of the weapons
consisting of the three gunas, Satva, Rajas and Tamas.
The importance of , the chanting of the name of Hari may
be known from the fact that even the demon king Hiranya-
ka£ipu who put his son, Prahlad, to various tortures could
not, however, remove a hair from his body because of the
magic influence of the great amulet of Harinam. There is
no necessity of reading various Sastras, the Vedas, Tantras
etc., neither is there any need of visiting numerous sacred
places. If you want to be free from the SKfferings of the world,
take to this means of your safety and salvation: utter const-
antly the word, Govinda.^

Ndma-ghosd lays great stress on the help of the Guru (Pre-
ceptor). The service of the Guru as the chief cause of self-
realisation is emphasised. It lays the highest stress on Guru-
Bhakti (devotion to the Guru). The Guru, in fact, is God
to his disciples. There is no difference between G>d and
Guru. Both are one, although the Guru appears to have a

^ is an age of the world. Thejw^orare four: satya^ tretd, dvdpera and
kali. The present is A:a/t-age.

THE VAISNAVITB PEUOD

49

different bodily existence. The hearts of both are full of.
sweetness of grace; both always think of the good of the
world, are devoid of pride, are pleased witji others out of
their own virtues. ,

The Guru visualises the Brahman and it is he who enables
the disciple also to visualise it and thus makes him jivanmukUt
(one who' attains salvation in the flesh). Oqly the Guru is
competent to show the extremely subtle path of God-realisa-
tion, which is beyond the reach of the scriptures. Reed know-
ledge of the Brahman cannot be* had without the Guru.
Thus the Guru is the real means to self-realisation.

According to Nama-ghofa, the Jiva (Creature) is not diffe-
rent from the Brahman.^ Its inherent power is as infinite
as the Brahman itself. But the Atman (Self) fails to experience
ISvara (God) because of Avidya (Illusion). It thinks
this unreal material body to be the Atma and commits a
great offence, deeply immersed, as it were, in worldly plea-
sures. When Avidya is destroyed Krsqa becomes manifest
just like a thing attached to the neck. Enveloped by Mtya
and imbued with ego, the Jiva imdergoes the bondage of
Sathidra (^the World). Unless the ego is annihilated there is
no release from Saiiisara. J^ama-ghosd is replete with prayers
to God, supplicating Him to destroy the .di cad of the world.
Man’s involvement in the cycle of birth and death is primarily
due to desire. Man desires to achieve something, acts accord-
ingly and reaps the fruit of a< tion. That is how he goes on
whirling in the endless cycle of birth and death. The only
way, therefore, to self-realisation is cessation of desire once
for all which alone can pave the way to the attainment of
the supreme bliss. <

The sumum bonum of all this religious quest, according
to J{ttma-gkofd, is the attainment of the state of Supreme
Bliss. Liberation in Ndma-ghosd does not mean the realisation
of identity between God and the soul. It simply means the
attainment of proximity to God, a state where the Jiva con-
tinues to chant the name of Hari. As a matter of fact, the
devotee does not count liberation as valuable, but remains
immersed in the ocean of the joy of Rama-K|^qa ndma.
In other words, devotion to Knqa is the ocean of unthinkable
infinite bliss. Thus those who are single-minded and intense

4

50

RISTOKV OF ASSA14E$£ UTERATOUB

in their devotion do not desire any other object but remain
absorbed in the ocean of great joy consisting of ICffua’s name,
than which th^e is nothing sweeter, nothing more beneficent
or wondes^.

Besides, Mama-ghosd contains a large number of hymns
on repentance and entreat/, self-discipline and self-reproach.
In each of the hymns the lyric cry is predominant aiVd ecstatic.
The last few sections of the book serve as a litany consisting
of eulogistic names for Lord Jidma-ghofS bears a

imivcrsal appeal and is in perfect accord with the same class
of sublime literature as the Upanisads and the Gild. Pro-
fundity of thought, unity of outlook, and music of diction
mark Ndma-ghofd as an outstanding work of art and a fitting
monument to Madhavadeva’s philosophical and poetic genius.

Madhavadeva also composed a few one-act plays {Ankiyd
ndts) : Cordhard, Pimpard Guchuvd, Kotord Khelovd, Bhusan
Herovd, Bhumi Lutivd, all presenting incidents of Kisna’s
child life. These Ar^yd ndts of Madhavadeva contain
fewer songs and Sanskrit slokas than those of Sahkaradeva,
and are therefore closer to the soil and wider in appeal.

Madhavadeva came to be a very popular figmc in the
Vaispavite movement through his Bargits. His piety found
full expression in these impassioned devotional songs. Many
of his Bargits strike deep notes of contrition and humility
born of knowledge of the original sin, and of the spirit of
self-surrender and consecration which alone can purge off
the sin. Some of them contain idyllic descriptions of VradS-
van with Child Kn^ia as the focus. These lyrics of Madhava-
deva furnish lovely portraits of the childhood and adole-
scence of Krsna, and they reflect the th«>ughts and sentiments
which animate childhood and youth. The supernatural and
extraordinary personality of the Lord Krspa of the Bhdgavata
becomes quite human and simple in these Barits. The
incidents in Child Krsua’s life, associated tts they were with
Nature’s beauty, here become more lively and apposite.
The eternal nature of the child is revealed in the boy Kr^^a,
who becomes the child of today, absolutely simple, and
“his very smile rains a shower of nectar”. The magic of
Midhavadeva’s pen has worked a renaissance of wonder
and given a new import and delight to familiar ep^des.

TBB VAI8NAV1TE PERIOD

51

Some lyrics speak with animation of Mother Ya^odi’s
half-amused tolerance of the pranks and capers of the Child
There are, on the other hand, a few* songs that deal
with separation too. Tl^ese songs catch at the restlessness
and the vague apprehensions which overtake the mother’s
mind wh^n, even for a moment, Krs^a, the apple of her
eye, is out of sight.* It is natural that Ya^od&’s heart should
throb with this tremulous all-conquering love; for her child
is the fruit of long and arduous peqance, prayer and sacrifice,
a fruit vouchsafed rather late in life. KrsQa has escaped
in the morning into the streets for playing with his com-
panions. The mother counts impatient hours at the threshold
till the boy returns. “The morning is far advanced, and yet
my son has not returned home,’* she mutters to herself. She
grows apprehensive, goes into the streets, questions passers-
by about K|^ua, and at last reaches the sands of the YamimS
where her son might \)e playing. But not discovering him
there, she beats her chest, weeps, and faints. Regaining
consciousness, she weeps again : i

‘She wept; tears rolled down her cheeks, and she cried,

“Where can I find my son, the crown of Yadus?”

And then in despair rolled in the dust.

Such love is a heavenly sight.’

In describing such scenes of separation, Madhavadeva has
followed the traditional literary practice of laying greater
stress on the depth rathej- than the tumult of feeling. With
remarkable economy of words, the saint has woven something
of the integrity of his dwn soul into these songs of the pangs of
a mother’s separation from her son. The melody, the rhythm
and the sweet cadence of these songs not only transport the
listener but also lull the senses into the sequent mood, namely,
that of expecting her cherub to return to her lap and lisp
affectionate and tender words while the mother fondles
the dear thing. The Assamese Vaisnavite literature has
in this manner enshrined childhood beauties and motherly
love in rich verse, which ennobles and exalts tender hmnan
relations even to the pitch of apotheosis. Rabindranath
Tagore has made a happy remark on this deification of

52

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UTERATURE

childhood. He says that whenever there is deep and un-
alloyed love, there is the Lord’s truo worship. Whenever
we love men, l^ere do we realise God. There is something
in the sm^ll face of the child which captivates one and all.
We want to understand the signifi&uice of that something,
which we may call, for want of an alternative term, Beauty.
This attempt to^ grapple with Beauty has. often led* men into
forest recesses. Yogis have given up food and rest in search
of this Beauty. But the mother gets that ambrosial and peer-
less Beauty in the face of* the slip of a thing in her lap. In
these songs, therefore, Ya^da’s son becomes merged with
one’s own son; the universal is reduced to the particular.
The Lord of heaven has deliberately merged himself in the
human child only to draw us nearer to Himself.

Madhavadeva outlived Sahkaradeva by twenty-eight years,
during which he mostly stayed at Ganakkuchi and Sundaii-
diya Satras close to the principal Satra at Barpeta. Here,
Madhavadeva came into conflict with Raghudeva, king of
the Eastenn Koch Kingdom. It was reported to the king
that Madhavadeva was preaching against the worship of
Kamlfl^a, the guardian deity of the Koch kings. So Raghu-
deva brought him to his court at Vijayanagara as a prisoner.
The allegations, however, proved false and the pieceptor
was released with due respect. Madhavadeva, theieafter,
stayed for some time at Hajo, near the present Hayagiiva
Madhava temple. But here also he could not live in peace
on account of the hostile activities of both the King and the
Brahmanas, and therefore left for Gooch Behar, the capital
of the Western Koch Kingdom ruled then by Lak^inarayapa,
son of Naranaraya^a. King Laksminarayat^a received him
with due honour and got him and his disciples settled at
Bheladuai, a village near the capital. Ih course of time,
with the king’s munificence, a Satra was established at Bhela-
duar, and it is recorded that some principal members of the
King’s family embraced the Vaisnava faith and weie initiated
by Madhavadeva. Madhavadeva passed three peaceful
years in this Satra and gave the final shape to his magnum
opus, PfSma-ghofS. He died at Bheladuar in the year 1596.

The Barits and Ankiya ndts composed by the pioneer
Vai$9ava leaders Safikaradeva and Madhavadeva formed

THE VAISNAVTTE PEBIOD

53

the main stream of Assamese devotional writings, which was
swelled by several trtbutaries in the course of two centuries.
Sahkaiadeva established the tradition of* singing psalms,
chanting hymns and reci^ng the scriptures during*devptional
services known as prasangas, which were held at different
hours of the day ffom dawn fb dusL Another sagacious
policy of Sahkaradeva was the propagation of^iis faith through
the pageant of the drama or Ankiyd nap. He wisely made
it a custom with the heads of monasteries or Satradhikdras
to compose ^ts and Ankiyd ndp before their ordination as
priests. All these factors not only contributed tfwards the
gi owth of a rich body of Assamese literatui e but went a long
way to spread literacy imthe country. One of the early Satrd-
dhikdts who wrote and ndp was Gupala Ata, (1547-
1611), who was appointed by Madhavadeva as one of the
twelve Dharmdcdtyas (spiritual leaders) and who founded
the Kalajhar Satia and the Kalasamhati order in Sankara-
deva’s fraternity. Siiram Ata, founder of the Ahatguri Satra,
and his son Ramananda Dvija, who was a contemporary
of the Ahom king Chaktadhvaj Siriiha (d. 1669), composed
a large number of hymns on the earlier models, and they
manifest influences of Sahkaradeva in feeling, thought, and
diction. Echoes of Jayadcva’s Gitagovinda are also discernible
in their compositions : some of these lyrics nan ate the love of
Krsna and Radha, a motif unknown in early Assamese Vais-
navite poetry.

One interesting feature of the Vaisnavite renaissance is
its democratic spirit, for it emouraged learning not only
among men but also among v omen. Kanaklata (Laksmi
Ai), grand-daughter-in-law of Sankaradeva, wrote several
hymns of dedication. She was not only the first poetess of
Assam but also the first woman to be appointed head of a
Satra or religious order.

Next to the Bhdgavata, the Makdbhdrata exercised tremend-
ous influence on the Vaisnavite poets as this epic was also
considered a Vaisnavite scripture. The Vaispavite poets
naturally turned it into an instrument for popularisation
and propagation of their own doctrines. Many poets either
translated a section from the Makdbhdrata or adopted a
story therefrom to inculcate devotion to Vis^u or Kisn^,

54 mSTORY OF ASSAMESE UTERATURE

to promote the study of hagiography, and to celebrate the
Vai§ 9 avite Ideals of renunciation, simple living, love to-
wards all sentient beings, charity, piety, truthfulness, pilgri-
mage, and so on and so forth. Amongst the Mahabkarata
poets m Assamese, Kavi Rama Sarasvati was the foremost.
Rama Sarasvati was a very popular poet and also a volumin-
ous writer who made this period famous by co-ordinating the
literary activities of all the contemporary poets under the
patronage of King Naranarayana. Naranarayatia commis-
sioned the poet Rama Sarasvati to render the Mahabkarata
into Assamese. Rama Sarasvati, under different names
such as Aniruddha, Kavicandra, Bharat-bhusan and Srinath
Br^man, translated the major portion of the Mahabkarata.
It is known from the poet himself that he composed thirty
thousand verses while the other poets did only three thou-
sand. He translated the entire Adi-parva in 1993 padas. Sabhd-
parva was done in 1073 padas with the collaboration of his
son Gopinath Pathak. The translation of Vana-pajva to-
gether with its various Upa-parvai was entirely the work of
Rama Sarasvati. The Assamese version of the Vana-paiva
contains several sections, viz., Adi-vam-parva (833 padas),
Pufpahara^ Vana-parva (584 padas), Manicandia Ghosa-parva
(1085 padas), Vijaya-paiva (2222 padas), Sefa-vana-parva
(718 padas), and Sindhuyatra-parva (1842 padas). The Assa-
mese version of the Vana-parva further includes Kulachala
vadha (1847 padas), Baghasur-vadka (4125 padas), Khatasur
vadha (182 padas), Kurmavali-vadha (366 padas), Asvakartfa-
vadha (611 padas), Jahghasur-vadha (304 padas) and Bhoja-
kata-vadha. Each of these sections styled as vadha-karya
is of prodigious length and is independtfnt in conception and
execution. These Badha-kdvyas are mainly made up of super-
human feats and exploits of the Pd^d^^^as mingled with
various myths, legends, and fables about gnomes, demons,
deities, sages and kings of antiquity. Besides imparting
religious instruction and telling wonderful stories, the Badha-
kdvyas went a great way to educate the common man in
morality, truth and righteousness. Naturally, these kdvyas
deal with problems relating to the clash between good and
evil, the oppression of the righteous by the wicked, tl^e ulti-
mate triumph of righteousetess over wickedness, and the

THE VAlSNAVrrE PERIOD 55

victory of truth. These sections have very little in common
with &e original epih.

Besides, Rama Sarasvati translated Udyiga- and Karifa-
parvas^ and, in collaboration with a contempoi^y . poet,
Vidya Pancanan, Bhisma-parva. The translation of Dro^-
parva was ,the joint work of Raifta Sarasvati, his son Gopi-
nath and Damodai'a. Virdta-parva was conlpleted in 1321
padas mainly by Kariisari Kayastha, whose translation is in
complete accord with the original- Kariisari was a great
Sanskrit scholar, and even Rama Sarasvati hails him as a
poet (kavi) and a seer (rst). Some sections of this paraa go
under the name of Srimanta Gabharu Khan, ‘who with great
diligence composed the verses*. Other poets who translated
the remaining parvas were Damodar Das {Salya-parva),
Jaynarayan (Stuti-patva) , Lak^inath Dvija {Sdnti-parva)y
Garigadas, Subudhirai and Bhavanidas (the last three jointly
rendered A ivamfdha-parva) . *■

It should be mentioned here that the Assamese Mahd-
bhdrata is not a literal rendering of the original epici Through
compression, omission, alteration, innovation and adapta-
tion, the Assamese version emerged as an epic of the soil.
To make the narrative sweet, direct and appealing, particularly
to the village people, Assamese poets have*deliberatcly omitted
most disquisitions on law, morality and abstruse philosophy.
Furthermoie, the Assamese recension took on the character
of a Vaisriava S^tra as it was translated b> Vais^ava poets
to disseminate the Vaisnava creed. Most of the sections of
the Assamese version consequently conclude with passages
stamped with Vaisijiavite tenefc, legends and traditions.
Even in the principal episodes, the poets interposed several
couplets in praise of Bhakti.

Moreover, the Assamese version freely incorporates many
interludes not found in the original. In this respect its Vam-
parva is very conspicuous. Sometimes the original incidents
are elaborated with the colours of imagination and lingering
relish. As an illustration, we may refer to the account of the
death of Papdu. The original text has it that one day in the
spring Pandu, accompanied by the beautiful Madri, was
moving about in the woods. The king was suddenly caught
with passion and forcibly embraced Madri. He died in the

56

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATITRE

very act of gratification of his desire. According to the Assa>
mese version, Paii^^u was in an assembly of sages and engaged
in theological discussion. The sun was about to set and
there, was* no indication that would rise to offer his

evening prayer {sandkya). Kunti was perturbed, for Pap^u
would not take his evening 'meal if he could not pprform his
sandhya. Kunti, 'therefoie, asked Madri to stand in the court-
yard facing the sun, for the sun would be enamoured of her
beauty and would not di;op below the horizon. Madri did
accoringly. When the assembly broke off, Papdu came home
and was surprised to see the sun on the horizon, though the
night had far advanced. On enquiry, he was told by KuiUi
that it was Madri’s beauty which had enchanted the sun to
linger on the horizon. Then a fatal longing to possess Madri
seized Pa^idu, and he would not listen to the counsel of Kunti.
Kunti had tu procure Madii for her husband, and in the
union, PSndu died.

Instances of introduction of incidents relating to local
history arid geography are no less numerous. For example,
we may cite the incidents in the Assamese veisions t>f Adi-
parva and Drotfa-parva relating to King Bhagadatta’s presence
at ivayambara’'- of Draupadi and the description of his death
in the battle of Kuruksetra.

It is natural that the vernacular recension will abound in
materials relating particularly to Assamese life and culture.
The instances of local colour are too numerous to be re-
counted here. They generally, consist of vivid delineations
of nature, of flora and fauna, of marriage festivities, dress and
ornaments, food iind drink, feast and revelry, merry-making
and musiczil instruments. Local custofhs and manners are
also depicted. The Assamese elements are far more discerni-
ble in the use of homely similes and metaphors, drawn from
observation of rural life in Assam. The Assamese recension
also offers a unique specimen of the early Assamese language.
The poets used words of diverse origins and peculiar forma-
tions, many of which have now become either obsolete or
obscure.

^ *Bride*s self-choice* is a form of engagement or betrothal in which king’s
daughter herself chooses her husband from amongst the assembled princes and
heroes (invited by her father) by placing a garland around the neck of the chosen
one.

THE VAISNAVrni PERIOD

57

The translation of the MahShhSraia gave tremendous
impetus to the growth and popularity of Assamese literature.
It opened a golden vein of tales, romances^ allegories, and
myths. Even today, modern Assamese writers are drawing
inspiration from its inexhaustible store of wisdom and delight.
To rural folk this epic is not only an entertaining kavya but
also an authoritative apocalyptic text. Throughout their
translations the poets again and again laid stress on the
Indian ethical ideas of liberality, truthfulness, tolerance,
purity of mind, body and speech, and cultivation of manly
virtues. In tlic Salya-parva it has been rightly observed that
this “Sastra satisfies religious and ethical needs and ensures
material prosperity, the jcjys of life and spiritual deliverance.”

Rama Sarasvati made an Assamese version of jayadeva’s
GUagovinda. This too is not a literal translation. The Assa-
mese poet introduced some episodes from the Bhagavata
Pur ana and elaborated and adorned some verses ©f the original
with flowers culled from other Sanskrit texts. Further, the
Assamese version was given a Vais^ava bias, and: to tune it
with the ideals of Assam Vaisnavism, the intensity of the
erotic sentiment of the original was much reduced. Another
very widely known and popular kaiya of Rama Sarasvati
is Bhim-carit. Here is an episode of Bhim’s early life as found
in the Adi-parva of the Mahabharata. Nowhere else possibly
in Assamese literature has the popular figure of Bhim been
more picturesquely dravn; a colossus of a man wielding
his usual weapon, the club, exhibiting prowess like Hercules,
and endowed with a gluttonous appetite. In this book in
which Bhim is pictured as having been employed by Siva
to tend his bull, Sivd’s life is presented in a burlesque. Siva
is portrayed as a hardy cultivator devoid of worldly wisdom.
With his consort Parvati and two little sons he leads a life
of poverty and want. To this pleasant picture here drawn,
the book owes its enormous popularity. Besides this the
book has another merit; it vividly paints peasant life and the
simple joys of the hearth.

Rama Sarasvati’s son, Kalapcandra, was also a renwoned
poet. He translated a portion of the Fourth Book of die
Bhagavata PurS^. But his outstanding work is RSdhS-carit.
The book is important not so much for its language and

58

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Style as for its theme. The amours of R&dha-Krsi^a are not
celebrated in the writings of the Assamese Vaispavite poets.
In his Radha-carit Kalapcandra depicts the love of Radha-
Krs^a without any of the taint of sensuousness normally
attaclied to the hypothetical romance in the popular ima-
gination. The author illustrates the devotioiuil ^aspect of
Radha’s charaater; her dedication -body, mind and soul
to Krsna; her long-suffering and her undying passion for
K^na arc admirably descfibcd by <^he poet. In short, Radha-
carit relates the triumph of the ideal of selfless devotion.

The story of the book luns thus: Rukminl, proud of her
devotion to Krsria, inquired of him the name of his best
devotee. Krsria mentioned the names of many devotees,
adding that none could compare with the maids {gopis) of
Vrndavan in devotion and that even among them Radha
was peerless. This naturally aroused a feeling of jealousy in
Rukmiiii. She prayed to Krsna that she might have a glimpse
of Radha, and Uddhava was sent to fetch her. Uddhava
found Radha incessantly chanting the name of Kfsna, quite
oblivious of the outer world. He announced his object and
also the desire of Krsna that Radha should come in her former
shape in all her youthful beauty and glamoui. Radha then
turned into an exquisitely lovely damsel, before whose beauty
the loveliness of Rukmini and Krsp.a’s other consorts paled
into insignificance:

Just as a lamp or the moon appears dim before the sun,
so the wives of Sri Krsna became pale and insignificant
before the indescribable refulgence of Radha (who shone)
like a lotus in the night.’ *

Then Rukmipi and others made many rich presents to
Radha. She refused them and told them that her only desire
was that she might have the privilege of worshipping Kr;pa
in all her lives.

Among all the compeers of Rama Sarasvati there is one
whose name cannot be dismissed by mere mentioning along
with a group. He is Kaihsari Kayastha. He enjoyed great
reputation in his day as a seer. Kaihsari’s translation, of the
Mahabharata retains faithfully in a large measure the letter

THE VAtSNAVlTE PERIOD 59

and the spirit of the original, and it far surpassed the render-
ings of other poets. •

One other bright star of the literary firmasncnt of the age
is Ananta Kandali. He was a Brahman of Hajo in the Kamrup
District. His real name is Haricarap; Ananta Kandali is
his scholastic title. But he was mere popularly known by his
title. A contemporaisy of Bahkaradeva at the court of Narana-
rayana, he accepted Sahkaradeva as his Guru and embraced
his Vaispavite creed. As a mark o^f his favour Sahkaradeva
allowed him to complete the translation of the unfinished
half of the tenth canto (skandha) of the Bhdgavata Purd^a.

Other poetical woiks of Ananta Kandali are Mahirdvan-badha,
Harihar-yuddha, Vrittdsur-bfidiia, Bharat-sdvitri, Jiva-stuti, and
Kumdrharan-kdvya. Kumdrhaian enjoyed as great a popularity
as Sahkaradeva’s Rukminihara^-kdiya. In Kumdrkaran the
author narrates in a winning manner the happy romance of
U§a and Anituddha, a* story as famous as the tmhappy love
of Orpheus and Eurydite or of Lancelot and Guinevere;
he also rendered in excellent \eise the fourth, fifth, sixth
and ninth cantos of the Bhdgavata Puid^a.

Saivabhauma Bhattacarya was another great writer of
the per iod. He himself tells us that he resided at Pragjyotispur
where he was well known as a devout Sakta. He entered into
a long discussion with Bahkaradeva about the merits of the
two forms of Vaisnava and Sakta worship. Defeated in
dispute, he left crestfallen f(jr Banaras to study the Hindu
scriptures under a teacher named BiSve^vat Cakravarti.
After five years of close study, he be< ame, as he tells us, well-
versed in the Sdstras. At Banaras, he came across a part
of the Padma Purdria i^hich he afterwards rendered into Assa-
mese verse under the title of Svarga Khandha Rakasya. At
Banaras he became a worshipper of Hat i, and on his return
he fell at the feet of Sahkaradeva and liecame one of his
disciples. Afterwards he wrote the biography of his Guru,
Sahkaradeva. He also translated fragments of the Bhdgavata
Purdria and Bhavi^yat Purd^a.

Sarvabhauma Bhattacarya’s wife also was very learned
scholar, and is said to have earned a warm encomium from
King il^aran^ayapa by defeating at his court the famous
Bengali scholar of the time, Raghunandan Bhattacarya, in a

60

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UTERATURE

discourse connected with the different ways of life advocated
in the Vedas and the Smftis.

Sridhar KaiRlali, a contemporary and a favourite disciple
of ^ahkafadeva, also deserves menjion. As a mark of special
favour Sahkaradeva allowed him to contribute a chapter,
GhunucS Tatra, to his famoift Kirtan-gkosa. But his prime claim
to distinction lies in a short poem called‘'ira^Ao{;a {Ear-eater),
which recants a funny nursery tale from the Krsna legend.
The Child Ki^iia was crying one day. Mother Ya^da tried
to terrify him into silence by singing of the advent of a fearful
demon called Kankhowa. Krsna at once took fright and
quickly ran to his mother’s arms imploring her to tell him
what this curious demon looked like; for, as he recalled, he
had not come across any such demon in all his former incar-
nations. YaSoda was at her wit’s end and had to confess that
she was lying. Even to this day, in Assam, crying children
are hushed into silence by the mention of this fictitious demon
who is supposed to bite off the eais of crying children. The
story hasibecome so popular and well-known that it is heard
in every Assamese nuisery at dusk.

The Vaisi^ava movement of Assam was a fiagmenl of the
all-India movement, and as such it accepted the canonical
scriptures of the VaisMvas in general and did not develop
a separate set of theological and philosophical scriptures of
its own. Further, as Assam Vaisnavism placed emphasis
on devotion and self-surrender, it had not much scope for
development of doctrinal works in large numbers. Of the
few ‘synoptic gospels’ that dwelt upon Vais:^ava thought and
theology, Sahkaradeva’s Bhakti-ratnakara and Bhahti-piadip
have already been commented upon, besides Bhakti-ratnavali,
Madhavadeva’s Nama-ghosa is regarded as an authoritative
treatise on Vaisnava philosophy. Bha^tadeva’s Bhakti-viveka
in Sanskrit, Ramacaran Th&kur’s Bhakti-ratna, Narottama
Thakur’s Bhakti-premavali, and Gfopala Mirra’s GhofS-ratna
have an established place in Assam Vaist;avism because
of their scholastic and authoritative expositioirs.

One contribution of the Vai^^ava writers to Assamese
philosophical writings is the production of numerous com-
mentaries on the Gita, in bo A prose and verse. Relevant
vorses from the Gita were first rendered into Assamese by

THE VAISNAVTTE PERIQD 61

the two saints, Sahkaradeva and Madhavadeva, to expound
their doctrines of devotion, liberation and incarnation. But
the entire text was not available in a singlfh comprehensive
volume. This Avas* first made available in Assamese prose
by Bhattadeva with the help of Sridhara Svimi’s commentary.
The first verse rendering was done by Govinda Mi^ra, a
native of Kamarupa. High poetic quality and mastery of
forcdiil Assamese are the salient features of Govinda Mirra’s
translation. His language is simple^ chiselled and beautiful,
and is easy to memorise.

Vaiku^thanatha Kaviratna Bhagavata Bbattacarya, popu-
larly known as Bhatfadeva, and believed to have flouri-
shed between 1558 and J.638, wrote Kcdha-Bhagavata (the
Bhagavata in prose) and Katha-GUd (the Gita in prose) . Noticing
the rather early times m which Kathd-GUd was composed,
Acharyya Prafullachandra Ray, the renowned scientist and
savant says : “Indeed th5 prose of Gif a of Bhattadeva composed
in the sixteenth century is unique in its kind. ... It is a
priceless treasure. Assamese prose literature developed to
a stage in the far distant sixteenth century which no other
literature of the world reached except the writings of Hooker
and Latimer in England.”

Before assessing Bhattadeva’s works it is necessaiy to know
why he discarded the traditional verse form in favour of
prose. The guiding influence in his life was Damodaradeva
at whose behest BhaVtade\a undertook to render these texts,
because of their didactic and monitory qualities, into Assamese
prose for the benefit of women and the submerged stratum
of society. Bhat^adeva was to a »p:eat extent crowned with
success in his attempti The spirit of the age, an intense and
permeating interest in religion, was with him. Even a casual
reader of Kathd-Bhdgavata and Kathd-Gitd can without demur
say that the author has succeeded in making these works
intelligible to the coiiunon people. By translating these two
most sacred and edifying Sanskrit texts into Assamese and
by making his language an easy and eloquent vehicle for
abstract thought and profound philosophical ideas, Bhattadeva
wins the reader’s applause.

Bhat^deva’s learning and scholarship made his style
distinguished for dignity and poise. Widi unparalleled skill

62 HISTORY OF A88A3CESE LITERATURE

the author has employed both Assamese and Saaskrit vocables
side by side for esqposition of deep spiritual thoughts. His
style reveals anr astonishing flexibility and variety according
to the subject-matter. As one lesjA&^KathSfBhSgcmata one feels
as if he were in the heart of a religious congregation and die
scholar-divine were explaining the text with comments on
and answers to possible objections to* his interpretations.
On the other hand, none can fully appreciate the composi-
tional skill of iTatAa-Gita without entering into the atmosphere
of dialogue that prevails throughout.

Although Bhaftadeva’s works were mainly ti'anslations, they
have enough of originality in them and make pleasant reading
thanks to the author’s incomparable style. Further, these texts
are not mere renderings from one language to another; the
writer assimilated the original materials and interpreted them
according to h’s standpoint. The author never failed to weave
into the texts homely similes and familiar maxims from standard
commentaries wherever they were considered illustrative of the
argumentt. From the standpoint of the art of translation,
Katkd-Bkagavata is a prominent landmark, overshadowing
the other prose translations of mediaeval Assamese literature.

Bhaftadeva had a profound grasp of Sanskrit grammar and
literature, which earned for him the title of Bhagax’ata Bhatta-
carya (versed in the Bhdgavata). Bhattadeva has several
original Sanskrit works to his credit. Inevitably, therefore,
Sanskrit influences, particularly that of Sanskrit syntax,
tingetl his Assamese writings. Besides, as these texts are
translations from Sanskrit, tatsania words naturally creep into
them; but the author is nowhere pompous because his works
are not intended for the learned only. ‘The judicious use of
Sanskrit words has only invested these religious writings with
dignity and grace. In syntactical structure also his writings
are disciplined by Sanskrit giammar. In his KaXhd-Gitd^
however, the sentences hobble at places running to complex
lengths due to the piling up of clause on clause for illustrating
knotty points In spite of these occasional lapses, the syntax
is regular, the verb is not dropped or shifted at will, the in-
finitive is not split, and clauses are not thrown in in a
higgledy-piggledy fashion with utter disregard of the priocipies
of clarity and precision.

THE VAISNAVrrE nSKIOD

63

Bhatfadeva’s works are a landmark in the evolution of an
accomplished philosophical and narrative prose in Assamese
literature. He created a sure-footed expository prose-style
with, an eye to grammatical perfection. His aim was to explain
religious matters in a clear and logical manner. The conversa-
tional and argumentative prose style of Katha-Gita served as a
model and pattern tto the metaphysical Vassuavite prose-
writers of later years, and the simple free light-sailing style
of Katha-Bhdgavata greatly influenced the writers of Carit-
puthis.

Another very important type of literature that developed
as an oflshoot of the resurgence of the Vaisuava movement
under the direct aegis of ^e Satra institutions was the Carit-
puthis, the biographies of Sahkaradeva. Later this tradition
continued in the biographies of many other Vaisi.iavite
saints. Recitations from the biographies of saints as a source
of religious inspiration 'to devotees are made after congrega-
tional prayers even to this day. According to Katha-Guru-
carit (a prose biography of Sahkaiadeva and Madhavadeva),
it was Madhavadeva who first introduced this practice. He
was the first to undertake a daily recitation of his Guru’s
biography.

Biography has been described as “the most delicate and
human of all the branches of the att of writmg”. Indeed it is
a delicate art because the biographer has to restore the sense
of life to a vanished figure. It is a humane art, as it partakes
of all the ambiguities and incongruities of life itself. As such,
the Carit-puthii still reward the leader and have a secure
place in Assamese literature.

Most of the earlier 'biographies are in versified prose and,
as literary productions, of doubtful worth. They are, how-
ever, very valuable as the first literary treatment of
historical material. Ramacaran Jhakur's Sankara-cant is
most voluminous biography in verse. Ramacaran was the
son of Madhavadeva’s sister, Urva^i. Though contemporane-
ous with Sankaradeva, RSmacau'a^ could not sift fact from
fiction, and so in certain places in his biography blind apo-
theosis rqilaces sober narration of facts. Some sections are
cooisidered interpolated because they incorporate incidents
which occurred after RSmacarau’s death. Besides narrating

64 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

many a myth and miracle popularly associated with Sahkara-
deva’s life, RSmacara^ identified the master’s early life with
that of Child Klrsijia as depicted in the Bhdgavata PurS^.
The Master’s personality is amplified to make it identical
with a divine incarnation, probably because of the saying
that one who has realised Gk}d becomes God Himself (brahma-
vit btahtnaiva bkhavatt). Ramacarap’s son, DaitySri Jhakur,
wrote Guru-carit, a short but sober biography of SaAkara-
deva. The son avoided the mistakes of his father as a bio-
grapher, and tried to give an objective study of the saint.
He passed over the nebulous incidents of the saint’s early
life, and contented himself with narrating the main incidents
of his subsequent career. To his Gum-carit, Daityari appended
an authentic account of Madhavadeva’s life. BhGsau Dvija,
grandson of Cakrapaui, who was a disciple of Sankaradeva,
compiled Sahkara-cant with traditional materials, and he
appears to have freely utilised the works of his predecessors.
Ramananda Dvij'a’s Sahkara-carit contains new material on
the lives .of SaAkaradeva and Madhavadeva, and in places
stands at variance with earlier accounts. His biography
contains a section on the life of Gopaladeva. Ramananda
was a pontiff of the Kalasamhati sect and as such he in-
troduced and emphasised many a doctrinal point of his own
sect.

After SaAkaradeva’s death conflicting interpretations of
his teachings developed, and as a result four sarhhatis or sub-
sects arose in the main doctrinal frame-work of the Maha-
puiusiya religion. These are Brahma Sarhhati, Purusa Saih-
hati, Nika Sarhhati, and Kala Sarhhati started respectively
by Damodaradeva, Purusottama Thabur, Mathuradas Ata
and Gopal AtG. In time these Sarhhatis became wholly
independent of the original sect; and each gathered its own
disciples and followers and set up numerous big and small
sairas undo* it with an elaborate ecclesiastical order in-
cluding Satradhikar or Mahanta, Bhagavati; reciter and
expounder of the Bhdgavata, Pdthak: reader of scriptures,
Sravanis: specially appointed listenos, Gdyan-Bdyan: monas-
terial orchestra, Deuri or Bilaniyd: distributor of the prasad
(the food of grace) to the members of the congregation,
Bhardli: store-keeper, Al-dhard: personal attendant of the

TBE VA18NAV7IB PKSIOO

SatrSdbikir, Likhak: scribe, Bhakats and Stsjras: lay*di»-
ciples. Each of these < new Satras created amass of rdiigious
writings for its own prasaAgas or religious servkes, and a large
number of works were compiled on the lives and« activities
of the principal apostles, and also on the history of the ’diffe-
rent Satras known as StUrar Buhoqu We have already re-
ferred to the works written on the life of Gopaladeva. Gopala-
deva, commonly known as Bhawampuriya Gopala Ata,
was nominated by M^havadeva as^the religious head of the
sect aft«r him. He was an erudite scholar in Sanskrit and
could interpret and vivify religious and philosophical sub-
jects with appropriate and engaging parables and allegories,
for which he was famous as Kaihar Sdgar (The Ocean of
Stories). Gopala Ata established a Satra at Kaljhar in Kam-
rup district, where he died in 1611. Ramananda Dvija, R3ini-
nanda Das, and Ramagopal are his principal biographers.
All of them have used* traditional accounts. »

Damodaradeva (1488-1598), a prominent figure in the
Vaispavite movement, was a Brahmin, but it is .said that
he took initiation from Sahkaradeva and became his disciple,
lirunediately after Sahkaradeva’s death, however, there was
disagreement between Madhavadeva and Damodaradeva.
Damodara seceded from the orthodox chuich and established
his own sect known as Damodaiiya, in which worship of
other Hindu gods and Brahmin rituals were permitted. It
was for these reasons th;>t Damodara’s creed attracted a
large number of Brahmin adlierents. Ramarm Dvija, a
contemporary of Damodara, in bis Gurulila, and Nilaka^th^
Das in his Damodara-carit, have g<ven detailed accounts of
the life and activities of the saint and of the Satras that DSmo-
dara had established. The historical facts revealed in these
two biographies give a dependable picture of the growth of
different shades of faith in the main religion and their res-
pective doctrines and theologies. RamSnanda in his VamM-
gopsladevar-carit refers also to Damodai adeva, who was the
spiritual Guru of the missionary Varhiigopal, whom Damo-
dara, before his secession fiom the main sect, deputed to
Eastern Assam to propagate the teachings of the Vai|Qava
rriigion^ Ramakanta’s VanamSlideva-carit is also indispensable
for the history of Vai^pavism in Eastern Assam. VanamSlI-

5

$6 HXSTO&Y OF AHMISflS LmOtATURB

deva (c. 1576 A.i>.) wM a disciple of Vaihilgoplkdeva,
and was respcmsible for the spread of die faith in Eastern
Assam. In his emission he secured royttl patronage for the
Ahom monardi Jayadhvaja Siiiiha. RamikSnta was not
only a devotee but a keen observer of ccaitemporary events
and possessed an understanding of the political affairs of the
time, and so,«besides giving biographical details about his
master and his proselytizing activities, particularly in Eastern
Assam, he offers ample historical infermatiem on Ahom
rule and administration and its relation with the Vaispava
gurus and Satras. Satsampradtya-kath&, compiled by Govinda
DSs during the reign of the great Ahom luler Rudra Siihha
(1697-1714), though biief, is a very reliable work on the
history of the Satra in.stitutions, particulailvunder the Ahrms.
Besides religious and metaphysical leanings, Govinda Das
shows much historical sense, acuteness of obseivation and
love of truth.

In estimating the value of biographies written in verse,
it should'-be borne in mind that in these works the day-do-day
experiences and incidents of the saints’ lives personally wit-
nessed by the devotee-compilers oi handed down by sat red
tradition, have been interwoven into a rich tapestiy of leli-
gious awe. There -is, however, anolhei kind of biography
written in prose and known as Katha-guru-cant. These life-
histories were not wiitten by a single monk but were compiled
by a group of devotees of certain Satras. Two of such Kathd-
gurU’Carits were compiled at Barpeta and Bardowa Satras.
The Kathd-guru~carits are more than biographies; they are a
rich treasure-house of the cultural history of the country.
Besides the lives of the saints, they describe in encyclopaedic
detail the history of the Vaisnavite movement, its tenets
and philosophy, rites and rituals, schools and institutions,
arts and literature, and the contemporary social life.

These Carit-puthis aimed at generating a sense of reverence
and devotion in the minds of the laity towards the saints
by a recital of incidents from their lives. Hence the prose of
these biographies and the manner of their compilation differ
widely from those of Bhaftadeva. They were compiled to
inspire the masses. Naturally, these writings wern, in the
eimple, emotional, homely and informal speech of the people.

TSE VAONAVITB PBEIOO

67

It dKmld'be noted that the use of a spoken languj^ is
dependent mainly on three factors — the structure of the
sentences, the pecuKar use of pronouns and*verbs, and the
adequacy or otherwise of the vocabulary. “What particularly
characterizes spoken language”, says J. Vendryes, “is that
it contents itself with emphasizing^ the main lines of thought.
These alone emerges and dominate the sentence, while the
logical relations of words, and component parts of a sentence,
are cither imperfectly indicated, w^th the help, if necessary,
of intonation and gesture, or are not indicated at all and
have to be supplied by intuition. This spoken language
gushes spontaneously from the mind under the pressure of
strong emotion. Ihe striking words aie then prominently
placed, as the speaker has neither the leisure nor the time
to mould his thought according to the strict rules of reflective
and organized language.” Further, in every spoken style
there is always some dramatic quality. Everywhere in the
Carit-puthis dialogues have been happily woven into des-
criptive passages. Both short and long sentences ocedr where-
ever they are required for balance and poise, for effectiveness
and beauty. In the s£ime passage indicative, interrogative
and other types of sentences occur as indeed they do so in
spontaneous everyday speech — a feature that staves off
monotony and affords diversity.

Grammar often loosens its reins in day-to-day informal speech.
In Assamese, the subject comes first, and the verb comes
last, other parts of speech coming in between the two, if the
structure of a sentence is built on t’le strict rules of grammar.
In an irregular sentence the writer uses at the beginning,
or at the end, the woid* which he wants to specially emphasize,
no matter what part of speech it is. The Caiit-puthis contain
many such irregular popular sentence-constructions. Further,
the use of the right word at the right place makes these writ-
ings easily attractive. Although there is no attempt at literary
flourish, yet the prose of the Carit-puthis is not absolutely
free from ornament. Their diction is bedecked with meta-
phors, similes, and alliterations, which emerge spontaneously
without much effort.

As hs^ already been noted, the subject-matter of the CeaeiU
puMs is something different from dry religious truths and

68

HISTORY OF ASSAISESB UTERATURR

court feuds. They are someUiing like the diaries of hunous
and revered masters. Here the reader* feels quite at home;
for in these writings they find the records of men who’ are
intunately connected with their society. The subject-matter
of Katha-GUa is factual, objective "and impersonal — ^for the
most part it consists of dissertations on philosophy. The
subject-matter S!>f the Carit-putfu, however, is, to some extent,
subjective. The writer is himself a devotee and as such he
is in spiritual union with, his hero. A mpre factual statement
of events and incidents is never his aim. He must show how
the example of his master has touched and inspired him,
so that others might feel a similar inspiration. In his pages
the hero lives over again with his joys and tears, his vicissitudes
of fortune, his fortitude and faith. Here in these writings,
we come, for the first time, into really intimate relationship
with the great personalities of Assam and see them in the
company of contemporary men and women with whom
they worked and daily convetsed. In this respect the Carit-
puthis ard human documents of inesistible charm, absorbing
interest, and wide appeal.

Of special interest in these biographies are the simplicity,
deep feith and sincerity of the devotee-compiler, which
create a fine and homely atmosphere. This could not have
been achieved merely by the adoption of the spoken language.
The whole atmosphere is delightfully free and unconven-
tional. It is the spirit of ease and unsophisticatiun which
had made it possible even for anecdotes of the supernatural
kind to find room in them. While the anecdotes of the super-
natural kind associated with the lives of the saints arouse
in the hearts of the devotees a senie of reverence for the
divinity in man, those of their everyday life help in establishing
a sense of kinship and sympathy by bringing out their essential
human nature. These human documents are not without
an element of humour; in particular, the quaintness of
numy colloquialisms and the very naivete of the authors
appeal to the modern reader’s sense of humour.

Hagiography was never so important as it is today for
the doubt-toimented modern mind. A smse of discrimina-
tion is the fruit of our knowledge of true theocentri,c> saints.
It is said in the Bhagaoad-GUa that men who lack discrimina*

THE VAItWfAVITE PBttXOD

69

tion may quote the letter of tiic scripture, but they re^ly
deny its spirit. They ’are full of earthly desires and hungry
for the gifts of heaven. They use pretty fibres of speech;
they teach elaborate ritu|l; but actually they kno^ nqthing
except the law of Karma that chains men to rebirth, lliote
who have Ipst the sense of discrimination are unable to develop
that one-pointed cdhcentration of the will Vhich leads a
man to absorption in Gk)d.

It is surprising that among the* cultivated and mentally
alert in our day hagiography is rather unpopular. Aldous
Huxley attributes this apathy of the modern mind to its
insatiable appetite for novelty, diveisity and distraction.
But the saints are always preoccupied with one thought —
that of the Spiritual Reality. Their actions are as mono-
tonously uniform as their simple single-minded thought.
They behave in all circumstances “selflessly, patiently and
with indefatigable charity”. No wonder that their biogra-
phies are unread.

The Indian belief that “one should hope for lEm whilst
one lives because deliverance abides in life” is as old as the
Upanisads. Saint Kabir wrote:

If He is found now. He is found then ;

If not, we but go to dwell in the city of Death.

Hence the supreme value of life here as a means of deli-
verance. And deliverance is possible through devotion, through
the Grace of the divine Incarnation. With St. Bernard,
a Vaisi^vite might say, “I thinl. the chief reason which
prompted the invisibfe God to become visible in die flesh
and to hold converse with men was to lead carnal mm,
who are only able to love carnally, to the healthful love
of His flesh, and afterwards, little by little, to spiritual love.”
The biographies of saints and apostjes inculcate this spiritual
love in the sincere reader.

The Vais^avite renaissance ushered in a new era in
Assamese literature as in the other phases of Assamese life.
It was a spacious period. Young scholars flocked to Banaras,
mastered the SSstras, acquired urbane tastes, and carried
them back to their own state. People went on pilgrimages

70 HISTORY OS AUAHSSB XiHBRATintX

to come in touch with holy seers and to enlarge their mental
horizons. Oftm the pilgrimages of poets were triumphal
marches, and nvery eminent poet in those days was sure of
royal patronage. The Koch king^ were liberal patrons of
the arts and learning. One may have an idea about the
royal patronage by reading what Rama Sarast^tl says of
King NaranSr&yana in one of his bhafUds. He wrote: “My
sovereign commanded me to translate the MahabhSrata into
Assamese verse. He olferpd to place before me all the com*
mental ies available at the royal court. He sent cart-loads of
texts to my resideure and encouraged me in my work with
adequate money, clothing, apparel and servants.”

History, according to Carlyle, h the biography of greajt
men, and indeed the literary history of this period consists
mostly in the spiritual bic graphics of Sahkaradeva and
MSdhavadeva. These two writers shone like the sun and
the moon in the literary firmament. Others imitated or
amplified what they did. Through the imaginative ampli-
tude, sytrtactical freedom and sweeping cadence of their
works, they turned the tide of literary taste in the classical
direction and taught the age to value above all else devotion
and fortitude in life and schcdaily elegance and urbanity in
literature.

Most of the other writers of the pericd are translators or
adapters of the Sanskrit classics. Their works are homiletic,
didactic or doctrinal, with or without musical elements in
the form of solos or songs. In the hands of the psalmists
and lyricists, the secular note became predrminant. They
chose erotic themes such as the marriages of legendary heroines
like Sita, Us5 or Behula, and wove*" with them tapestries
of rcmantic imagination.

In the field of prosody, these writers were renovators rather
than innovators. They wrote mostly in rhymed couplets
known as pada^ dulari and ehhabi. Each couplet is clenched,
and contains a complete thought. The pada is a fourteen-
syllabic couplet with a caesura after the eighth syllable.
Jhdari and ehhabi consist of stanzas of six verses each. In
idari, the first, second, fourth and fifth verses contain sttt
syllables; the rest contain eight. As the verses are fhaated,
t^ tune fills iq> the void of syllabic curtiUlmott, if any.

tm VASWAVIXS TWO» 71

As the poets of this period are classical, we feid ihesBi.
ornamenting their diction with similes and metaphors, itera-
tions and puns, mostly drawn from the Sanskrit iilliiriri
to display their erudition. Their poetiy also ahouads in
imagery from common fife and Nature, which makes it
extremely popular.

The Vaifnavite movement sought to raise said to a great
extent succeeded in raising the cultural level of the common
man. It diffused a, high degree pf enlightenment among
the masses of the people. It should be noted that Vai$navism
in Assam is a religion as well as an institution, and even
today it exercises a vety great and gocd influence on the
social and communal lifr of the Assamese people. As an
instituticm, it may be considered mainly in two msyor aspects :
the establishment of Satras for monastic discipline and le-
ligious training, and of Namghars for carrying out a
gramme of popular education. The Satras wcvked both as
seats of religious learning and as residential schools, llie
bhakats, monks, lived here under the guardianshtp of the
satradhikar, who was responsible for their temporal and
spiritual welfare and pi ogress. The monks received education
not only in Vais^ava texts and practice but also in Vedic
and Puranic lore. Besides the satradhikar^ other teachers
and functionaries of the Satras, namely, the BhagavaU and
Pathak, also imparted instruction to the monks through
discussions and occasion il debates. Fuithci, the monks
were given written exercises not only in copying out manu-
scripts and illuminating them vith relevant pictures but
also in translating Sanskrit sciiptu’-es and composing original
works in Assamese. Alter years of education and rigorous
training in Vais^ava faith and discipline, these monks weie
deputed to various parts of the piovince for the purpose of
preaching and propagating their faith. In course of time
many of these monks established new Satras at difierent
places, and this network of institutions helped the diffusion
of education, learning and cultuie in the entire country.
In this way, the Satras produced successful teachers and
missionaries as well as oninent philosophers, scholars and
poets. •

The Namghars, which were set up as central religio-politica]

75

BISTOKy or ASSAICESB UTEXATUltK

institudcios of the vilh^es, played a great part in thdr in-
tellectual and cultural activities. Here ‘not only SSstras and
literary masterpieces were recited, but great problems of life,
philosophy and religion were disrassed and debated; and
the village people learnt here what they did not know before
and received new ideas £tnd experiences. The NSmghars
served, and ar9> serving still now, as a panchayat-hall, where
the villagers gather not only for religious purposes but also
to discuss many current problems of the village and com-
munity life and political as well as economic and social sub-
jects. This institution helps to impart unity to Assamese
village life.

Furthermore, both the satras and the Namghars led to the
creation and development of drama, music and the stage.
These three are most powerful instruments for popularising
.culture as they appeal to nearly every^ one. ITie Ankiya-ndfs,
which are full of music and ^nce, are acted even today
in the Namghars, and the entire village assemble to see on the
stage storks from the great works, the Rdmdyam, the Mahd-
bhdrala and the Bhdgavata Purd^, dealing with deepest pro-
blems of hunoan life and religion. The Vaispavas intro-
duced many new festivals and saints’ days in their calendar,
and these doubtless widened the scope for dramatic per-
formances and recreations for the mind and spirit of the
worry-ridden common man.

We have already icfored to the great revival of the study
of Sanskrit during the Vai$navite period that brought
about a renaissance in the intellectual life of the country
“not seen in the earlier ages, lliis Sanskrit or classical in-
fluence proved a great benefit to the cultural life of the people
in all respects : it gave the Assamese language a rare distinc-
tion, and created in it a literature which is expected to stay
for all times; it also tempered, refined and polished the man-
ners and character of the Assamese society, built of diverse
elements.

(!haPTER IV

THD AHOMa AND ASSAMESE LITE^RATURE

In an early chapter we referred (o Suhungmung Dihingiya
Rsya (1497-1539) who consolidated the Ahom powei ^
bringing under its domination the Chutiyas, Kachans,
Bhuyas, Nagas and certain other tribes of the Tai race
who had settled in the •eastern part of Assam long before
the Ahoms. Suhungmung was the first Ahom king to show
active leanings towards Hinduism. Apart from the growing
influence of Hinduisyi under royal patronage, his reign
witnessed the spread of the Vaispava revival seb4n motion by
Sahkaiadeva. Suhungmung’s successors, Suklengmung Gar-
gaya Raja (1539-1552), Sukhampha Khora RAJa (1552-
1603), Pratap Singha (1603-1641), Jayadhvaja Singha (1648-
1663), and Cha^adhvaj Singha (1663-1669), were all
heroic kings and able administrators. They successfully
warded off several invasions of the Mughals and resisted
the spread of Islam in Eastern India. During their rule,
Assam made rapid progress in all domains of life, and Hindu
religion and culture bc^^an to flourish under their benign
care. The arts and Assamese literatuie were assiduously
cultivated in then a)urt.

In 1681, Gadadhar Singha, a prince of the Tungkhungiya
dynasty, ascended the throne. Before he became king, Gada-
dhar Singha had been at one time a fugitive to save himself
from the ruling king Lora Raja; and his wife, Jayamati
Kuwari, was apprehended and toitured inhumanly to extort
information about her husband’s whereabouts. Princess Jaya-
mati refused to divulge any information about her husband
even when her husband himself came in secret and asked
her to do so. Jayamati exhorted her husband to muster an
army and save the country and her people from the tyranni-
cal rule of Lora Raja. Jayamati ultimately succumbed to
these tortures and is adored as a martyr to wifely devotion

74

HiarORY OF ASa/MBSE UIRRATURE

Every year the anniversary of hor death is celebrated all
through the province. Even today her life inspires our
poets and provides them material for poems and plays con-
secrated t* her sacred memory.

Gadadhar Singha was a strong k&g, and during his reign
the Mi^hals were finally dfivm from Assam. The, king had
strong Sakta lesmings, and persecuted thcf Vai^^ava mahantas.
The great power which the Vaispava mahantas exercised
over their disciples was regarded by the king as a menace to
tl^ Ahom sovereignty. Gadadhar Singha, therefore, con-
fiscated the Vaisnava mahantas' properties, drove them from
the Satras, killed some, and mutilated others. Gadadhar
Singha’s successor, Rudra Singha ^1696-1714), restored the
monasteries to the survivors or their heirs and bestowed royal
favours on some Vai9t;iava ntahantau Yet he also was inclined
towards the Sakta faith. Towards the, end of his reign, he
brought from Nadia (Bengal) Krsparim Bhattacaryya Nyaya-
vagii, a devout Sakta Bralunin, and even on his death-bed
he instructed his son and successor, Siva Singha, to take
initiation from Kfip^ram. 1 he adoption of Saktaism by the
Ahom monarch, followed by the conversion to that faith of
his principal' nobles, brought about a breach and conflict
with the Vaifnavas. •

Rudra Singha was a king of great ability and ambition
who strove to form a confederacy of the Hindu States in
eastern India to fight the Mughals and to restore Hindu
sovereignty in eastern India. Rudra Singha was a great
patron of arts, literature and learning. He invited artists,
architects, musicians and scholars to Assam. He greatly
encouraged development of Assamese litefatuxe by patronising
poets and scholars liberally. Rudra Singha was succeeded
by his four sons one after another — Siva Singha, Pramatta
Singha, Rajeswar Singha, and Laksmi Singha. The last-
named monarch was succeeded by his son, Gaurinath Sin^a
(1780-95), and later by Kamaleswar Singha (1795-1811).
During the reign of Siva Singha, Pramatta Singha and Rryes-
v^ar Singha, 1714 to 1769, there was peace and order in the
country, and monarchs found time to patronise literature
and art; but from 1769 onwards the country was dismpted
by civil dissensions, and the govertunent had ultimately to

THE Amm Aim A$$AmsB xxteeature 75

seek outside aui &>r the suppression of iksosl disturbances.

Kamaleswar 3inghA was succeeded by bis brodier Chandra*
kanta Singha in 1811. Some nobles of his* court were dis-
satisfied with the Ahom Prime Minister, Furnananda Bura-
gohain, and they approached the Burmese king to send an
army to put an end to the misrule of the Prime Minister.
The Burmese invaded Assam in 1817 but Burnananda died
before the invaders entered the capital. Chandrakanta,
however, continued, to rule till 1818, when he was dethroned
by Purandar Singha. Chandrakanta regained his throne in
1821 through Burmese intervention, but being unable to
brook the atrocities committed by the Burmese, he entered
into hostilities with the invaders, and, on his defeat in 1822,
fled to Bengal leaving Assam under the complete domination
of the Burmese. But in 1824 the British entered Assam and
expelled the Burmese. By the Treaty of Yandaboo, 1826,
Assam passed into the hands of the East India Company.
Purandar Singha was installed in 1833 as tributary ruler of
Upper Assam, but as he failed to pay the stipulaeted tribute
his country was annexed by the company in 1838. This
closed for ever the golden chapter of well-nigh six hundred
years of Ahom rule in Eastetn India.

It is an undeniable fact that the Ahom rule gave Assam
for several centuries a good and strong government which,
resisting successively several Muhammedan invasions, kept
the country in peace, prosperity and order. The Ahoms
liquidated all petty principalities, both within Assam and
on the tribal frontier; and this led to the emergence of one
closely-knit geographical and political unit named Assam.
The most notable achievement of Ahom rule was this politi-
cal unification of the country, which in course of years led
to social, cultural and linguistic unity, and awoke the spirit
of oneness among the people.

In the beginning, the Ahonts wanted to maintain feudal
superiority and separate existence as a ruling community
and did not allow ita members to have social intercourse
with the peasant-population of the country. With the pas-
sage of time, they found it impossible to administer the vast
country with a small number of their own people who came
widi the first conqueror Sukapha. They were, therefore.

76 HlSTOfRY OF AMAMESB UTEItA'roRE ‘

like the far-sighted Akbar, compelled to increase their num-
bers by marrying in non-Ahom or Hindu himilies, and by
conferring uponr some non-Ahom families the privileges
and status of the ruling race. These new entrants were
thoroughly assimilated with the pure Ahoms, and they and
their descendants were not disabled from holding high offices
and enjoying privileges to which the older Ahoms were
entitled. The Ahoms, in course of years, adopted Hindu
manners and customs. Further, by successfully resisting the
spread of Islam in Assam, they regarded themselves as pro-
tector and defender of the Hindu Faith.

A historical survey of the period would not be complete
without some account of the contribution made by the Ahom
kings to the spread of Hinduism. Hindu influence first
entered the Ahom court during the reign of King Sudang-
pha Bamuni- onwar (1397-1407), who had been brought
up in a Brahmin family. The Hindu influence was more
marked in the reign of King Pratap Singha who was per-
sonally graceful to Brahmin priests for ridding him of a demon
which had possessed him during his princehood. The first
Ahom king to accept Hinduism formally was, however,
Jayadhvaja Singha. Jayadhvaja Singha and his successors
up to Jx>ra Raja were initiated in Vaisnava faith. Gadadhar
Singha persecuted the Vaisiiavas, and bestowed royal patro-
nage upon the Saktas and showed great honour and courtesy
to Sakta priests. When his son. King Siva Singha, became
a disciple of a Sakta Brahmin, the Saktas got into ascendancy.
As a result, rivalry and jealousy began to grow between
the S^tas and the Vaisnavas, the group which enjoyed
royal patronage and the group which' suffered royal per-
secution. And when Siva Singha’s queen Phuleswari in-
sulted the Vaisuavas of the Mowamariya sect, whom she
had invited to a Sakti worship, the Vaispavas openly revolted
against the Ahom king. This religious revolt is one of the
causes of the decline and fall of the Ahom power. This dis-
crimination and religious intolerance leading to dividon
of the spirit were reflected in the literature of the period.
It is also to be noted that the Ahoms constructed temples
dedicated to Skkta gods and goddesses, and these temples
became the seats of S&kta culture. Slikta religious texts

THE AHCMtt AMD ASSAMESE UnTERATVEE 77

in both Sanskrit and Assamese were recited and e:q>lained
in diese temples,' and«thus iSSkta litemture came to be written
and developed in Assamese.

In addition, the Ahoms brought about a cultural synthesis
in the country peopled by diverse creeds. It is true thkt the
Ahom kings cUd not altogether abandon their ancestral
religion and practices though they adopted ths Hindu religion
and the Hindu way o^ life. Their coronation ceremony
was solemnised by both Ahom and Hindu rituals, and the
Ahom ceremony, Rikkhvan, was always performed at the
crowning of a new king. Every king, on ascending the throne,
assumed two names, one in Assamese Hindu form and the
other in Ahom. The ^om kings considered themselves
descendants of Indra, and the royal dynasty came to be
known as Indra-vaihia. The Ahom gods and l^ends also
came to be identified with Brahmanical ones so that both
the Ahom and the Hindu population were jpade to feel
that, after all, the pantheons of the two peoples were essen-
tially the same, the only difference being that of language
and of emphasis. Thus, we find that Chaopha, i.e., King
of Heaven {Svarga-deva), was identified with Leng-dan, i.e.,
Indra, the progenitor of the Ahom kings; Jaching-pha was
identified with Sarasvati; Lung-chai-net with Vayu; Khan-
pha-pha with Devi; Khuntun with the Sun-god; Khun-
ban with the Moon-god. and Lau-khe with Vi5va-
karman.

In religion and ritual, too, they strove for a synthesis. They
held the Hindu scriptures sacred, showed respect and re-
verence to Brahmins and Vaisnava mahanta^, and made
grants and endowments for maintenance of shrines and
monasteries. At the same time they patronised the Ahom
priests, and allowed them to perform their rituals and to
officiate at ceremonies like marriage, funerals and corona-
tion as holy men.

This trend towards the growth of one synthetic Assamese
culture was discernible also in their language-policy. The
language of the Ahoms was of the Tibeto-Burman family
while Assamese is an Aryan tongue. The Ahom rulers, in the
beginning, tried to make Ahom the language of the court
and culture, and buratijis, chronicles of the court, and other

78 81STOB.Y OV ABSAMBffi UlSftATURE ^

documents were actually recorded in Ahom. But dm {uactice
was frai^ht wi& practical difficulties t as tlie bulk of tlielr
Assamese subjects did not understand tliis alien language.
Consequently, these records and land-grant charters had to be
written in both Ahom and Assam^e. Later on, this policy
was abandoned and Assamese completely replaced the Ahom
language. The «Ahom-speaking population merged them-
selves with the Aryan Assamese-speaking population of the
province. Nevertheless, words and expressions from the
Ahom language found easy access into Assamese, and the
Ahom way of thinking began to influence Assamese writings
and literature, particularly the system of writing buranjis.

Another notable feature of Ahor^ history is the successive
invasions of Assam by the Muslims. These Muslim invasions
indirectly did some good. Prior to the Muslim invasions
there was hardly an integrated national life in Assam. The
common danger cemented all the rifts and fissures. The
Koches, the Kacharis, the Ahoms, the Assamese — all became
rmited unfler the leadership of one powerful king. Petty,
separatist, parochial sensibilities yielded ground to a broad
national consciousness. The beginnings of a synthetic Assa-
mese culture were thus laid. The common danger fostered
patriotic feelings in the country, and several men and women
earned immortal fame by sacrificing their lives in defence
of their motherland against the Moghul aggressors. Their
stories inspire Assamese men and women even today. At
the time of the advent of the Ahoms, not only was the politi-
cal condition fluid but the social condition wa^ equally chaotic
and disconcerting. People had more faith in magic and
charms than in effort and work. The Muslim inva>ions
roused the people once again to heroic deeds, self-reliance
and patriotic organisation, and indirectly fieed their spirit
from superstition and idle speculation. The Moghul in-
vasion also brought Assam into contact with the rest of India
again — a contact which was lost in the 11th and 12th centu-
ries. With these invasions there came into Assam the cultural
impact of other people — notably of the Islamic people on
life and art, esp^scially painting and music. There grew up
in Assamese the Jikir and Jari songs, based on Sufi rcygious
teachings. The Pits and Fakirs made notable contributions.

TRS AaOMB ANO AttAMESft UllatATOlUE 79

In tint process a large number of Perso>Arabic vocables
ifound th^ way into the Assamese language.

The Ahoms not only defended die cotmtry«against external
aggression but also fortified it internally on soynd lines.
They built good and vfide roads for coinmunicatiofi and
transport, organised a postal system, opened markets, built
towns and temples/i reconstructed villages, and reorganised
the social life of the peasant population. The development
of communications had important political, social and cul-
tural consequences. It brought separate populations ever
closer t )gether, forged some of the strongest bonds of national
unity, and awakened in the Assamese the feeling of oneness.
It also widened the ar^ of social and commercial inter-
course and fostered one composite Assamese culture.

Furthermore, small or big towns built at Gargaon, Rang-
pur, Jorhat, CJauhati and other places Jed tt) the growth
of a new urban refincnfent. The Ahom nobles, oyf easy fortune
and amiable disposition, and the people of these towns re-
flected an urban culture in their manners, etiquette, dress,
living and learning. This new cultuie distinguished them
from the lural people who were dominated by a uniform
antique jiattein of life, conseivati'-m and ineitia. The new
urban society, though veiy small, stirred the imagination of
the traditional society so much as to make it adopt new
ideas, develop a secular outlot)k in woildly matters, and
forge contacts outside it* own scKial and religious coteries.
This urban society began to take a lively intei est in the finer
graces of life like art, literature and music. Kings, ministers
and nobles patronised priets antt writers by making land-
grants to them, and lire recipient-poets and authors eulogised
their patrons in their verses. Some changes in emotional
complexion doubtless came over the literature devoted to
glorification of monarchs and nobles. The first change was
seen in panegyric lyrics composed by such poets as Rama
MiSra, Kaviraj Cakravarti, Ru-Jiinath Kandali, VidySp
chandra KaviSekhara, all of whom received liberal patronage
from the Ahom kings. These eulogistic writings were full
of the glitter and sparkle of artificial literary expressions,
and cater mostly to the tastes of the class fur whom they
were written.

80

BXSTOItY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Further, the Ahom court was 'pompous. This pomposity
affected the poet’s sensibilities, and heii^ce we find a note of
artificiality whore, in the Vaifigiavite era, there were sincerity
and austei'ity. By advocating the ideal of austerity and
poverty, the Vaistiavite literature ‘ repressed many natural
pleasures. Now literature is released from such repression
thanks to the baroque extravagance of. and the preference
for amatory themes of the Ahom courtiers. The court was
the centre of love and romance. Kin^s and queens also
preferred love stories to devotional ones. Therefore, the
poets composed love stories or rainbow colours of love to
stories otherwise religious. Since the Purdf^ were a rich
store-house of love anecdotes, Ahom monarchs encouraged
poets and authors to render them into Assamese. A notable
distinction between the Vaisnavite and the Ahom period
is that whilst in the former the spirit divine was the subject
of literary treatment, in the latter mail is the centre of litei a-
ture. Literature now ceases to be other-worldly and idealistic.
The shift towards realism. Even in poems and romances,
men and women of the common work-a-day-world now
engage the poet’s attention.

CHAPTER V

ASSAMESE LITERATURE UNDER THE
AHOM PATRONAGE

There was much activity during this period in the direction
of translating the PurdnaSy and of composing kdvyas on
diifeient themes of these texts. The translation of the
Purdrim provided kings and common people with not only a
mythology, a magnificent sacramental literature, and a series
of love-romances, but also a code of law which the Ahom
kings needed very much.

A poi tion of the Visi^u Pui dim was translated gt some time
in the seventeenth century a.d. by Bhagavat Misra who was
also known as Raghunath MiSra. He made metrit^al render-
ings of the Satvata Tantta also. A complete and literal trans-
lation of Visnu Purdna was made by ParaSu Ram Dvija in
the first half of the 19th century (1836). Though the
author imitated the Vaisnava poets in language and method
of narration, his work on the whole shows no literary skill
oi accomplishment. The Visipi Parvan of the Hanvam§a was
rendered into Assamese by Kavi Sekhar Vidyacandra
Bhattacaryya during the reign of the Ahom king, Rajeswar
Singha (1751-1769). The work gives an account of
birth and his subsequent doings and exploits amongst the
cowheids at Gokula o^ Vnidavana. But one noticeable feature
of the work is the presence of Radha as the mistress of Kr$na.
In the original Sanskrit version, the Rdsa-kri4d of K^^a at
Vmdavana with the milkmaids is desciibed in the twentieth
chapter of Visnu Purdna^ but the name Radha is singularly
absent there. The Assamese poet, in course of his description
of the Rdsa-krtdd episode, narrates the pangs of separation
and the love at first sight of Radha and Kt's^a. The introduc-
tion of R^ha as the devoted mistress of Kr^mi was perhaps
made under the influence of Brahmavaivarta Purdf^^ which
gained popularity in the contemporary Ahom Court*

6

82

HISTORY OF ASSAIilESE LITERATURE

Under the orders of King Siva Singha (1714*1744) and
his queen Prasnatheswari, BrakmasvaiuartarPuri^ was translated
by the Court Pcret, Kaviraj Gakravarti. Kavir&j Cakravartl’s
work is not a complete translation; the poet adapted only
the episodes relating to Ki^na’s ea^ly life. His description
of the Rasa-kri^d episode with erotic sentiments and sugges-
tions is rather pleasing •

Kaviraj Gakravarti alias R&m Naraya^ Gakravarti
was the most outstanding poet of this p^eriod. He was Poet-
Laureate under several Ahom Kings. Cakravarti’s important
literary contributions are Sankhdsura-vadha, Gitagovinda and
Sakmtald-kdvya The episode of Sankhdsura-vadha was taken
from the Ptakrti Kka^da of the Bighmavaivarta Purdm. The
$ankhdsura-vadha begins with the birth of Tulasi and then
gives a detailed accoimt of her marriage with Sahkhasura,
the demon king, and of the exploits of the latter. The rape
of Tulasi by Krsi^a, the fight between ^ankhasura and Mah&-
deva, and the eventual death of Sankh^ura and his metamor-
phosis inro a conch-shell are narrated in an entertaining
manner. Kaviraj Cakravarti’s version of the Gitagovinda
is done in the stereotyped hexametre couplets and does not
have the same songs and speeches as in the original. Conse-
quently, it fails to bring out the intense lyrical feeling of
the original, and the intimate sentiments of the characters.

Kaviraj Gakravarti is considered to be the translator of
the Madhava-Sulocana episode occuriing in the fifth chapter
of Kriyd-yoga-sdra appended to the Uttara Khagda of the
Padma Pmaga. The story is narrated with a view to showing
the merits of bathing in the Ganga-Sagara-Sangama.

It should be noted that a complete translation of the entire
Brahnumivarta Purdga was made under the patronage of
Prince Hayanarayan, a Koch king who ruled in Darrang
District. The work was done in collaboration by four poets,
namely, Ratik&nta Dvija, Nandesvar Dvija, Norottama
Dvija and Khargesvar Dvija, at some time in the iSaka era
1717. Rucinath Kandali is the first translator of the Gan^i
episode from the Mdrka^d^ this translation,

made during the reign of King Rajeswar Singha (1749 — ),
RucinUth introduces episodes from KdUkd Purdifa, , Vdmana
and Braknumivarta Purdtfos to fill the rifts in the story narrated

ASSAMESE IXTEKATURE UNDER AHOM PATRONAGE 83

in the MSrkai}4(^a Puratfa, Another book, XaVd PurS^a, is
also ascribed to Ruciatth Kandali.

King Siva Singha and his consort AmbikasDevi patronised
Kavicandra Dvija and set him to translate Dharma Puraifa.
Dharma Purina is a voluYninous work describing eloquently
the duties of men and the need of their observance. Along
with thes^, the work narrates many a didaetic story. Some
of the incidents of this Assamese version, such as the origin
of the Ganges, the, fight between Andhakasura and Siva,
the quarrel of Kadru and Vinata* the stealing of nectar by
Garu^, are drawn from other Pura^ic lore.

These Assamese versions of the Parapoj are not literal
renderings of the origit^jds. Mostly they are epitomes or
free adaptations with emphasis on the story {akhyana) clement.
Many of the translators and adaptators came from the common
people and were in perennial contact with the soil. Therefore
they wrote in a simpfe stlye and enshrined injtheir writings
many popular myths, legends, folklores, and cultural tradi>
tions. Highly philosophical disquisitions were avoided, but,
where given, were interpretative. Their works were inter-
spersed with devotional songs to replace the metaphysical
elements, and these rendered the Puravas popular. The
authors paid little attention to literary .decorations as their
principal aim was only to popularise the Paurd^ikS dkhydnas
and Hindu ideals. Portions of these translations are breezy
and racy but not becau*’*; of quaint humour: a feature rare
in earlier literature. These poems may not have high literary
merit but they are read by our villj^e people even now with
avidity as they are rich in didactic passages and embody
popular philosophy. •

Very few books were written during this age on themes
of the two epics, the Rdmdya^ and the Mahdbhdrata. One
of the leading poets who enjoyed great reputation in the
later part of the eighteenth century and who drew on the
Rmn^ava story was Raghunath Mahanta. Raghunath made
a prose summary of the Rdmdyatfa. His prose shows, on the
one hand, the influence of the Buranjif and, on the other,
in a still more marked degree, that of the traditional style
of the farit’-put/as of the Vai^vas. Raghun&th’s fame as a
poet rests on his two long narrative poem^ Adbhxaa-RSm^ifa

84 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITBRATURB

and SantruHjqya; both appear to have been based on some
floating Ramdyaifa legends. •

According to «(he po^, the source of A^Huta-Ram^a^ is
the Markct!i4^a Purity. The story relates to Sit! in the
Nether World {PatSla) after her *final estrangement from
her consort, Rama. Having»parted from Rama for good, SitS
was living in VidyUbilasinipura of the Nether World. But
she had lost her peace of mind. She had left behind her
husband and her two beloved sons, Laya and Kuhi. The
pangs of separation pierced her heart day and night. In
Ayodhya, Rama was pining for the company of his beloved
wife. His agony was still deeper. It was because of his unkind
innuendos that Sita had been compelled to beg her mother,
the Earth, to rend herself asunder so that she might find
solace in her bosom. Sita asked Vasuki, the king of Serpents
in the Nether World, to abduct Lava and Kusa from Ayodhya.
Vasuki made an abortive attempt aiid reported his failure
to Sita. He found it impossible to break thiough the hosts
of invincible warriors like Hanumanta, Nila, Nala, Vibhisa^a.
Sita understood his difficulty, but imploied him to try again,
this time by using his magiral power. Accordingly, Vasuki
went in the guise of a Brsihmin and, on the pretext of training
Lava and Ku^ in archery, brought them from Rama. Having
thus fulfilled his mission, the disguised Brahmin succeeded
in persuading the princes to accompany him to Vidyabilasini-
pura where their mother lived. Vasuki then arrived at Patala
where the mother and the sons met to their unbounded joy
and happiness.

This treachery of Vasuki infuriated Rama so much that
he at once ordered his courtiers to find out Lava and Kuiia
from wherever they might. Everybody tried his utmost but
to no avail. At last the task was entrusted to Hanumanta,
who, by virtue of his great magical power, adopted many
subtle devices. He had very tough fights with the serpents
and the Serpent King. At last he defeated all of them, feroci-
ous and frightening as they were, and brought Sita and her
two sons back to Rama*

Naturally Rama’s joy over the reunion knew no bounds.
Sita made obeisance to Rima, but urged him not 1;o press
her to live with him as she was not destined to do so. She

ASSAMESE LITERATURE UNDER AHOM PATRONAGE 85

assured him, however, of her daily visit, which would be
visible only to R&md, Lava, Ku£a and Hanumanta. Sit^
then vanished into the air. *

In Santmnjaya, the R^a legend is treated vdfy bi'iefly
as a sequel to another story. The author’s intention was not
so much tp tell the well-known story of Rama as to narrate
the exploits and expeditions of Bali and Hanuman. The
first part of the story which describes these exploits in detail
is very amusing, and seems to be^e poet’s own invention.
We give below a summary of the first section of the poem.

The poem begins with the author ’s invocation to Vi§nu who
in his different incarnations on this Earth did away with
corruption, vice and injustice and established the kingdom
of justice, truth and vrrtue. The narrative begins as in a
Purana with a dialogue between Valmiki and Bharadvaja,
the former relating to the latter how and why the gods became
monkeys.

Brahma, the Prescr-ver, was one day presiding over an
assembly of the gods in Manivatipura on Mount Meru. The
gods, including Sumeru, King of Meru, attended the assembly
accompanied by their daughters. All of them enjoyed the
graceful dances of the charming Vidyadharr maids. Sulocanh,
daughter of Sumeru, unsurpassed in b^uty, made all the
gods spellbound with her graceful dance. Everybody wanted
to marry her. The wind-god Vayu, one of the prominent
gods, decided to make ..dvances to Sulocana’s father with
the intention of asking his daughtcr’.s hand and sent a mes-
senger to this end, along with , letter to Sulocan5 herself
requesting her to accept him ir. wedlock. The messenger
accordingly informed Sumeru of the purpose of his mission,
but the latter turned down the proposal flatly. Being at a
loss, the messenger prayed to Vayu to send a puff of gentle
breeze. This was sent, and the me.ssengcr had the letter
borne by the breeze to Sulocana svho, having read the letter,
laughed away the strange proposal At this Vayu flew into
a rs^e and declared war on Sumeru. A fierce battle broke
out. The gods were frightened and prayed to Brahma to
bring about a settlement. Brahmi commissioned N3rada
who bvought about a compromise between the contending
parties.

86

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

According to the terms of the compromise, Sumeru gave
away to Vlyu one of his summits, the Vihahga Sfhga, which
was blown awa'/by Vayu to the Milk Ocean (K$ira SSgara)
where lay*Mount Trikhta. On this gaountain fell the Vihahga
Sraga. When Vi^vakarma, the architect of this universe,
found this Vihahga 87hga,*he carved out on it ^ beautiful
city known as Che golden city of Lanka. In this city lived
Mali, Sumali and Malyavanta, the three Raksasa brothers.
Vispu beheaded Mali with his disc (cakro), and the two other
brothers fled for dear life.

Then came on the scene Kuvera, King of Lanka. One day
Sumali found Kuvera on the throne, and bewailed the deplo-
rable lot of Raksasas who had keen driven to recapture
Lanka. He had given his daughter Naikesi in marriage to
Vifrava, father of Kuvera, in the belief that Visrava would
restore the lost kingdom. Naikesi conceived in her ‘unclean
period’ (during menstruation) and was afraid of the progeny,
who, according to popular belie!', would be notorious for
their vioJfence and evil-doing. During the peiiod of her
conception, evil omens were sighted everywhere. Eveiybody
on earth and in heaven got panicky. In view of the universal
fear and impending menace, Naikesi retained the bitter
fruit of her womb fbr one hundred years. But the panic was
all along there. The gods went to Brahma who told the former
that the danger was real and immiiient. He then explained
how Jaya and Vijaya, the two gatekeepers of Vis^u, who
were cursed to be born to Diti first, were both of them being
cursed by Laksmi again, in the womb of Naikesi now. He
finally told them that the moment they were bom there
would be no end to the miseries and distress of people and
that Visnu alone could overcome the calamity.

Brahma then lay in a deep trance awaiting the ‘unbodied
message’ of Vispu, the Suprone Power of the universe. The
message came Aat there would be an incarnation of Vispu
Himself to put an end to the menace. The gods were ordered
to be reborn on earth as monkeys. Brahma was directed to
be reborn as a bear, Vayu as the monkey Ke^i, Indra as
Bali, the monkey-king of Ki$kindhyS, and thus all the gods
and goddesses were directed to become monkeys. &>me of
the monkeys would be savage and would plunder and pillage

ASSAMESE IXTERATUKS UKDER ABOM PATRONAGE 87

one kingdom after another until at last they would reach
Kailasa where Nandi, God Mahideva’s disciple, would
persuade them to assault Kiskindhya, the kingdom of the
mighty king, Bali, who would conquer them.

Brahma intimated to t^e gods all that he had heard, and
in Course of time all were leborn af desired by God.

Bali went out orf world-conquest. In the course of his
march he found a tendei-aged monkey throwing stones at
the fruits of a tall mango-tree. Bali saw to his great surprise
that the monkey-boy was physically too strong to be ignored,
and so Bali, instead of using force, had the monkey persuaded
by one of his ministers to be the adopted son of Bali who
pretended that he had no«son to call his own. The monkey-
boy agreed to the proposal and became his adopted son.

Asked about his birth and name, the monkey replied that
he was son of KeSari. !|lis mother was Ahjana, and his name
was Hanumanta. Immediately after his birth^ he climbed
the mountain Lokaloka where he saw a huge elephant. He
could not check the temptation to mount the elephant, who
presently began to groan under the weight of the boy monkey
and almost collapsed. But the bushy and pointed hair on
the back of the elephant pricked him and caused severe pain.
So he jumped down and faced the elephant, challenging him
with his tail raised. His attitude frightened the elephant so
much that the latter ran foi life, and in this way Hanumanta
defeated eight such elep’ rnts. This act of Hanumanta dis-
pleased his father and made him very angry. He admonished
Hanumanta; for the elephants whom he had given so much
trouble were none other than eight incarnations of God, who
had boine this earth* on their backs. Hanumanta politely
replied that since the earth itself had been borne by God, it
was absurd to accuse him as one guilty of mounting them.
Moreover, God is all-pervasive and the soul of every living
being is an inalienable part of that Supreme Soul. So what
one did was done by God Himsejt. Hence he pleaded not
guilty, adding that he was always ready and happy to do
whatever his father would bid. Keiari was moved. As desired
by his son, he ordered him to serve pilgrims and devote himself
to Ran^i heart and soul.

B^i was much pleased with the story of Hanumanta and

88

BiSTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

appointed him commander-in-chief of his powerful army.
It was now that the real adventure begad, and the succeeding
verses tell of Hhnumanta’s deeds. In no time Hanumanta
brought (fne monkey-king after ano^er under the suzerainty
of Bali.

He attacked the demon* king Bhauma, son o( Dharani.
Bhauma got tUb help of Dhananjaya, a’ prominent king of
the Nether World. He helped Bhauma wiA his innumerable
serpent-soldiers. Kankan? was his great general. This was
a fbimidable alliance, lliere was an ‘unbodied message’
from heaven that it would be next to impossible to defeat
Dhananjaya Naga who possessed ‘Siuaiigadhanu’ and
‘NSrayatii Astra’. So all was not smooth-sailing with Hanu-
manta. He, therefore, called upon Rama to help him. A
golden chariot with some invincible weapons in it came down
from heaven. Hanumanta got into ^t and a fierce battle
followed lesulting in Hanumanta’s victory. Thus Hanumanta
conquered all the notorious serpent-kings who helped Bhauma.

The ne^s upset Bhauma who immediately went to Mangala
(the planet Mars) and wanted to know from him if Bhauma
should fight with Hanumanta. Mangala laughed away the
idea of fighting with a petty monkey. Meanwhile, a serpent-
king, who had fought with and been defeated by Hanu-
manta, arrived there and told them that it would be absurd
to fight with Hanumanta who had no parallel in warfaie.
Bhauma realised the situation and withdiew.

In the meantime, Gajaketu encouraged Hanumanta to
march to Sakadvipa. Hanumanta ordered his armies to
start by Yogapatha. They got down at the mountain Hma
where they met a large number of very beautiful monkeys.
They came to know that Nala was their king and they were
the direct descendants of the Gandharba, Gitraratha. Hanu-
manta, along with Satavali and Dividha, then went to Nala
and told him of their mission. Nala replied that he was a
devoted disciple of RSma. At this Hanumanta’s joy knew
no bounds, and they became true comrades. Hanumanta
now enquired about the kings of Sakadvipa who were to be
conquered. Nala supplied all the information. Strengthened
by the company of great warrior like Nala, Hancnnanta
fought with vigour and defeated all the kings concerned

ASSAMESE UTERATURE UNDER AHOM PATRONAG^ 89

and compelled them to surrender. Most of the king^ were,
however, devotees of *Rama, and so the victorv was pleasant
and easy.

Then Hanumanta arrived at an island called Baimanika
where one Rudrabahu luled. The people of that land used
to fly in aeroplanes. Passing by* Baimanika, Hanumanta at
last reached Ae city^ of Puskalini which was*his birth place.
There he bowed to his parents who blessed him, wished him
a long life, and inquired about hisjexploits. Hanumanta told
them of all that he had done. Now he sent all the vanquished
kings to Bali. But the monkey-kings of JLokaloka mountain
were yet to be conquered. Moreover Bali desired the company
of Hanumanta’s parents awhom Hanumanta wanted to take
with him to Bali. While the three had such conversations,
they welcomed Narada who expressed joy at the victory of
Hanumanta but forbade Hanumanta to attack the monkey-
kings of Lokaloka, for they were destined to •be conquered
by Rama who was going to incarnate himself very soon. Then
Naiada asked Hanumanta and his parents to leavi for Bali’s
capital. Hanumanta consented and asked his mother Anjana
to take the charge o^ two princesses, daughters of Susena,
and train them in such a way that they might be worthy
queens. Then along with his father, he went to B3li, who
was naturally much pleased. Hanumanta proposed that
Bali and his brother be pleased to marry the two pretty
daughters of Susena. 1 ali agreed and, after his marriage,
left fot Kiskindya, where he began to live amidst royal pomp
and grandeur.

The stoiy of Bali’s adventures ends here. The author then
adds a new chapter describing Rama’s birth and banishment,
the abduction of Sita by Ravana, Rama’s fight with Ravaijia
— practically the whole Ram^a^a in a nutshell, including the
story of Lava and KuSa.

The long poem ends with a prayer to Vispu. The aim of the
poet was, no doubt, to depict Rama, as an incarnation of Vi§ttu
and also to propagate the tenets of JBhakti. This he certainly
achieved. But he also deserves praise for handing down these
entertaimng Rama-legends which would otherwise have been
consigned to oblivion. The poems reveal the poet’s acquaint-
ance with the floating Jaina versions of the RamaiMUfa.

90

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UTERATURE

We have already referred to the growing Sskta influence
in the Ahom period. The later Ahom 'kings adopted S^a
religion and de^feloped the Sakta outlook on life, which was
in accord *<vith the militant and epicurean ideals of the ruling
class. ^For this reason and on account of the impact of new
urban cultural currents, the influence of Vais^ava poetry
began to decline and a new Sakta literature came to be
written. In imitation of the Vai^pava Bargits the Sakta poets
created in Assamese a bo/dy of hymns which are even now
sung as prayer-psalms. Some of these hymns were said to
have been composed by the Ahom kings Rudia Singha and
Siva Singha. These Sakta hymns, though impressive in
alliteration and metrical perfectioR, suffer from a certain
monotony of theme and phraseology coupled with want of
personal feeling. Side by side wiA these lyiics flourished
during this period descriptive verse§, on Sakta goddesses
such as Durga, K^i, Sitala, which are even today chanted
in their worship and adoration.

The coilct poets weie encouraged by the Ahom kings to
render Sakta scriptures into Assamese. Ananta Acarya
was commissioned by King Siva Singha to wiite Arumda
Lahari. The book begins with a hymn to the goddess Durga,
who has been described as the primordial cause of the universe.
It goes on to describe how, in her infinite mercy, she assumes
form to please her devotees, and then it dwells on the beauties
of her form, adding descriptions of Kailua and Lord Siva.
There are devotional hymns to the goddess, and the poem
closes with an eulogy of the royal consoi t. Queen Phuleswari.

Rucinath translated Chai}4i into easy flowing verse. There
is another Assamese version of Cat}dt b> 'Madhusudan Miha.
Both the poems are descriptive and lack literary beauty.
They are, however, popular as vehicles of religious sentiment,
and so read and recited by thousands of Sakta devotees
generation after generation. Though these works fall far
short of Vai^tjavite poetry in diction, imagery and narrative
skill, one comes across passages of metaphysical profundity.

Particularly significant of the period is a corpus of panegyri-
cal poems composed by poets attached to the courts of kings,
ministers and noblemen, lauding their patrons* heroism,
victories, munificence and magnanimity. The Ahom kings

ASSAMESE LnERATDRE UNDER AHOM PATRONAGE 91

I

Rnd nobles were generous in digging tanks, building roads
and erecting temples, •and in this connection many dedicatory
verses glorifying their piety and charity %vere composed.
These court poets were masters both of Sanskrit and of Assa-
mese. Naturally, in the* praSaslis or pamegyrics, the* poets
used a specific diction abounding in sonorous and meta-
phorical iSanskrit efiepressions presupposing a knowledge
Paurd^ik mythology and legends.

The science of erotics {Kdma-i astro) was very much culti-
vated and fostered in the Ahom court, and some of the Sans-
krit texts on Kdma-idUra were translated into Assamese.
A versified treatise on erotics was compiled by a poet named
KaviSekhar Bhattacarya^ for the entertainment and in-
struction of Prince Charu Singha Gohain, son oi King Raje-
swar Singha, and of the Prince’s consort. Princess Pramada
Sundari Aideo. It became the practice to engage scholars
to read out to queens, princesses and high-bornjadies popular
kdvyas, love-romances and erotic idrtras. That Kdma-Sdstra
exercised a tremendous hiflueuce is evident from the fact
that a large number of Mantra-puthis, books on charms relating
to love-making, were compiled during the period. These
Mantra-puthis contziin nostrums, charms and contmdrums
on the art and practice of love-making, of winning love,
exciting passion in woman, beautifying and removing physi-
cal defects in woman, and increasing virility.

As observed earlier, t' is period was characterised in parti-
cular by a new and rising interest in historical writings.
PopuJ(|ir poets evinced antiquar'an interests. Barphukanar Git
is a most important historical ballad which narrates events
centering round Badhncandra Barphukan, an Ahom viceroy
at Gauhati, who invited the Burmese to remove his rival,
Pumananda Buragohain, from the prime ministership. This
bsdlad presents a popular version of historical events, and its
narration closely follows actual events. Barphukanar Git is
remarkable for its dramatic interest, descriptive quality,
vivid charactei'isation, and racy humour. Bakharabarar Git
and Padum Kuvarir Git are two other very popular historical
ballads composed during the period under review.

Heu: we may mention a few other poems of a popular
nature. Some of them develop the tales from the Purdtifas,

92 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

I

HitopadeSa and PaHcatantta. Poets even turned to folklore
and fairy tales for inspiration, and found materials that
gave their imagination a free rein. Dvija Goswami’s KSvya-
Sastra is a book in verse containing many fables from the
Hitopddeia and some moral observations in rhymed couplets.
Another Assamse version of*the Hitopodeia was done by Rama
Mi^ra, author ef Putala-caritra, at the instance of Bhadrasen
Gohain Phukan, an Ahom general.

Kaviraj MiSra is another story-teller, who flourished about
1616. He was an itinerant minstiel, going about reciting
his verses on Siyal Gosdtn (The Fox-Saint) and thereby ob-
taining food and raiment.

The story centres round a legendary figure, Siyal Gosain
by name, who was thrown away under a ketaki plant soon
after his birth through the intrigues of his stepmother, Kunda-
lata. Chandotaia, his mother, was Ijlindfolded at the time
of her delivery. The baby was picked up by a newly littered
vixen who suckled him and brought him up among her own
young ones. The boy grew up among the young cubs and
imitated their habits of howling at night and of retreating
to their lair at the approach of men. On his return from
pilgrimage, Dharmadeva, his father, who traced his origin
to the twelve famous Bhuyas, was informed by his wife Kunda-
lata that Chandotara had borne no child and the dais (mid-
wife), heavily biibed by Kundalata, confirmed the lie, which
he believed. But one day, on his way to the bathing-ghat,
he happened to notice a child retreating into a den at the
sight of him. This struck him as curious and, apprehpiding
foul play somewhere, he vigoiously questioned the dais
on his return and elicited the truth i!hat Chandotara had
been delivered of a male child. Next day he had the child,
the mother fox and the young cubs all dug out of the hole
and taken to his house. The boy, when he grew up, came
to be known as Siyal Gosain.

Furthermore, love-romances were composed by the court
poets from episodes culled from the Pura^s and folklore.
Kavir&j Cakravarti, who was the court-poet of both King
Rudra Singha and King Siva Singha, in his Sakuntal&kavya,
narrated the familiar story of Sakuntala but to heighten
the romantic effect added to it the love episode of Gandraketu

93

ASSAMESE UTEEATURS UNDER AHOM PATRONAO]

and Kamaka l S. In this story. King Candraketu saw in a
dream KSxnakala, the beautiiul daughter of the king of
Bhadravat!, and soon fell in love with her. The king engaged
a parrot as go-between, and with its help succeeded 4n marry-
ing Kimakala. But thcyVould not enjoy married life* very
long. One day, both the king andrthe queen went to a forest,
and thoi £he queen* was separated from her*husband when
die latter went away pursuing a deer. In grief and remorse
Kamakala wanted t9 immolate herself by burning. A voice
from above prevented the tragedy and assured their reunion
after a year’s time. This incident offers the poet an oppor-
tunity to describe the seasonal characteristics of the twelve
mondis {Bara-malia) , and the descriptions aptly emerge
from the lips of the lovelorn heroine Kamakala. At the end
of the twelve months, with the return of spring, the lovers
were reunited. Kavirjj Cakravarti in his Tulasi-carit or
Sankhasura-vadha, an episode adapted from the Brahmavaivarta
Purar^, made much of the love-theme relating to Sahkh^ura,
his marriage to Tulasi, and the rape of Tulasi by Narayana.
Dina Dvijavara wrote the elegant love poem Mddhava-Sulo-
cana from the story of the same name in the Kriyayogasara
canto of the PadmaPurdna. By erotic language and skill in
romtintic narration, the author in his adaptation replaced
the original devotional ideas with sentiments of anacieontic
love and earthly passion.

Some poets searched f >' fiesh love-themes in new literary
pastures. One such new love-romance is Rama Dvija’s
Mrgdvati-cariUa, a work corresnonding to the Sufi work
of the same name written in 1500 by Kutban. It also appears
that the poet was fsAniliar with some elements of Jayas’s
Padmdoat and the Jaina poet Maladharin Devaprabha’s
Mrgdoati-caritra, a work based on the popular Udayana
legend. The plot of the Assamese MrgdvaH-caritra is briefly
this: The prince of Kimdilanagar saw four nymphs bathing
in a lake and instantly fell in love \vith the youngest of them.
The nymphs flew away, and the love-lorn prince passed his
days pining for his beloved. Fortunately, next time when they
came agsun to bathe, the prince was successful in capturing
the yoitfigest one, and lived with her happily for some time.
One day, when the prince was away, the nymph managed to

94 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

»

escape. She, however, left the name of her city with her
matron. The prince was mortified wheiron return he learnt of
her departure. Me immediately set out in search of his beloved.
In his wanderings, he met with many vicissitudes and per-
formed many miiacles, and at last arrived at the city of
Rukem where the nymph lived with her companion-nymphs.
The latter celebrated his marriage with ‘their youngest com-
panion with great merrymaking. Here the poet takes the
liberty to describe graphically the erotic, sports of the couple
with much zest. Another mediaeval Sufi poem similar to
Mrgavati is Madhumalati by Manjhan. This was also adapted
in an Assamese kavya of the same name by an unknown
author. It should be noted that in,.both the Assamese poems
the original Sufi ideal is completely shorn off. The purpose
of the Sufi poets is to depict the soul’s love and aspiration
for God and its ultimate union with |iim. To the Sufi poets,
the story of human love is only an allegory. The Assamese
poets, however, made their lovers suffer for the sake of their
beloved. They emphasised earthly and human love and
treated love both in union and in separation. Naturally,
in the Assamese kavjiat eiotic tendencies predominated, and
they aie replete with passages describing intimately eveiy
feminine charm and treating oi love dalliances with an easy
frankness.

Many secular Sanskrit texts were also tianslated into
Assamese prose under loyal patronage. They deal with
medicine, astronomy, arithmetic, dancmg and architectui e.
In these books Assamese prose was employed for the first time
for the discussion of utilitarian knowledge. Most of them were
written by Sanskrit scholars. It was i&tural, therefore, that
Sanskiit would leave its stamp on them, because a sufficient
number of tadbhava and racy deStya (indigenous) words with
clear-cut usages had not yet been evolved. The study of
Sanskrit texts for the cultivation of knowledge was indeed
indispensable but Sanskrit words were even more necessary
to enrich Assamese prose vocabulary. It must, however,
be added that, although tatsama words were borrowed, the
Assamese writers used a straightforward and direct style
suited to scientific expression. For the same reason these
books are, generally speaking, clear and intelligible. Apart

ASSAMESE UTERATtTRE UNDER AH<»S PATRONAGE 95

from their value as literary and technical aocuments, diey
afford most important specimens of scientific prose in the
Ahom period. The chief one among them v Hastividj/Sr^a
of Sukumir Barkath. This illustrated book was ynitten in
1734 under the orders oPKing Siva Singha and his cOnsort,
Qpeen Ambikadevi. The illustrations were drawn by the
painters Dilbar and Dosai. The book contains descriptions
of several kinds of elephants, die ways of training them,
their diseases and their cures. The book also specifies the
different categories 6i elephants to*be used by men belonging
to different social classes. The materials of HasHvidySr^fova
are stated in the text itself to have been taken from Gajendra-
cintdmatfi of Sambhunatha. The prose of Hastividyartfava
does not differ from the prose of the chronicles. It has similar
sentence formation and vocabulary. The orthography is
phonetic, and the structure of sentences follows that of every-
day speech. ^

The Ghord-niddna, a tieatise on hoises, is another book of
the same genre. A printed edition of this valuably book has
been published by the Government of Assam. This has
been edited (1932) by Tarini Charan Bhattacharyya. In
the preface to Ghord-niddna, Dr. S. K. Bhuya observes : “These
two representative treatises {Hartivi^drifafta and Ghord-niddna)
reveal the richness and variety of the Assamese i^arma-
copoeia, and their literary value consists in the presentation
of a very large number of expiessions now thrown into disuse.’*
Side by side with the texts on medicine, books on astrology
and divination were compiled in both Sanskrit and Assamese.
Even treatises on medicine include chapters on astrology
inasmuch as they discuss the nature of diseases, astral in
origin, and therapeutic charms and incantations. Divination
was also resorted to for treatment and cute of diseases. Man-
tras or spells were practised to cure diseases. Mantras
were further used to scare away devils and evil spirits who
were supposed to be the cause of human ailments, to cure
snakebite, to remove the bad effect of dreams, to secure
release from misfortune, to protect the fields from the evil eye,
for the prosperity of the home and the harvest, and for a
hundred and one other purposes.

The Ahom chronicles as well as the reports of Muhammedan

96 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

historians testify to the use of charms and incantations for
bewitching hostile armies, and even oppressive officers were
sought to be kill^ by means of charms or witchcraft. AnAhom
Buranji, w]|;Lile recording the proceedings of a tri:^ for conspiracy
and subversive activity for the overthi ow of the State, reproduces
the following deposition of a witness* “I am told that one
Baga possesses ^n old puthi with the help., of which all can be
subdued, including the king and his subjects.” A bulk of
vwitings on mantras was, therefore, created in both prose
and verse. An idea of the volume and variety of mantra litera-
ture can be had from the titles of some of these books. Signi-
ficant among these mantra-puthis are the following; Sdpar-
dhararfi-mantra (Snake-catching charm), Karati-manira, Sarva~
dkak-mantra, Kdmaratna-mantra, Bhutar-mantra, Khetra-mantra ; the
list might easily be extended. It is tiue that these mantia~
Pulhis have no literary value, but they are important as docu-
ments of popular beliefs and superstitions. Among other
books of useful knowledge, SrViastamuktdvali of Subhahkara
must be taken into consideration. The oiiginal Sanskrit
texts deal with the movements of human body and its different
limbs, while acting, in the minutest detail. All the texts are
elegantly rendered into Assamese with the utmost precision.
The translator has tried to give, as far as possible, suitable
Assamese equivalents for Sanskrit words. Kaviraj Cakra-
varti’s Bhdsvati is a text on astronomy. If he is the same
person who wrote Sankhdsuta-vadka, Sakuniald-kdvjya, the
metrical Brahmavaivarta Purdna and the translation of GUa-
govinda, then he must be a contemporary of King Siva Singha
(1714-1744). Bhdsvati is an epitome of the Sanskrit SUrya-
Siddhanta. Of the books on arithmet’c mention must be
made of Ankar-Aryyd of Kasinath. The book treats of arith-
metic, including rules of land measurement and the method
of finding the square root of figures. At places the book
contains Sanskrit verses. There were also treatises on archi-
tecture, road-construction and such other subjects.

From the number of prose works composed during the
period, between the time of Bhattadeva and the composition
of HastividySr^va, it is easy to see how Assamese prose litera-
ture developed enormously in several directions. The in-
fluence of Sanskrit was, of course, there, particularly in the

ASSAlitESE trrERATlTRE UNDER THE ABOIC PATRONiySE 97

case of serious philosophical and religious treatises which
were mostly translations done by Sanskrit scholars. Assamese
had not till then developed an adequate nuAiber of taibhava
and racy deiiya words, nor was their use standardised. Except
Sanskrit there was nothing that could serve as a pattern of
grammar and style. Therefore imitation of Sanskrit on the
part of the ’ncw-bornr Assamese prose was not merely necessary
but also inevitable. Though modelled after Sanskrit texts
and commentaries, .Assamese prose had done away with
flamboyant expressions and profusion of compounds, and
had thus attained clarity. Its aim was the spread of useful
knowledge amongst average men. Hence its limpidity and
simplicity. Everywhere iq these books ideas arc expressed
in an exact, logical, relevant, and, whenever needed, concise
manner. Apart fiom their value as literature, these books
are worth recalling for^a proper appraisal of the intellectual
activities of mediaeval Assam.

As stated earlier, the most important development in
Assamese literature under the Ahoms is the Bufanjis, the
chronicles of the Ahom court. The Buranjis were compiled
under royal edicts and under the decrees of the high dignitaries
of the state, for they alone could grant access to State docu-
ments on which the chronicles had invariably to be based.
These documents were principally the periodic reports trans-
mitted to the court by military commanders and frontier
governors, diplomatic epistles sent to and received from
foreign rulers and allies, judicial and revenue papers sub-
mitted to the kings and ministers for final orders, and the
day-to-day annals of the court which incorporated all the
transactions done, irftportant utterances made, and signi-
ficant occurrences reported by reliable eye-witnesses. {Asatn
Buranji, Introduction).

The Buranjis were at first written in Ahom, the language
of the rulers. Later, however, they came to be compiled in
the Assamese language. The BuraHjii constitute an unprece-
dented and glorious chapter in ^samese literature. It will
not be an exaggeration to remark that it is from these BuraRjis-
that modern Assamese prose emerges. Commenting on this
unique., historical literature. Sir G. A. Grierson observes:
“The Assamese are justly proud of their national literature..

7

98

HOTORY OF ASSAMESE LnEKATDRB

In no a^partment have they been more successful dian in a
branch of study in which India, as a rule^ is curiously deficient.
The historical wErks or Buranjis are numerous and voltuninous.
A knowledge of Buranjis was an indispensable qualification
to am Assamese gentleman.” (Lin^istic Surv^ of India).

The compilation of a BvraHji was a sacred task, and, there*
fore, it was cuttomary to begin it with* a salutation to the
deity. The chronicles were prepared generally by men who
had a comprehensive knowledge about state affairs, and
we have several Buranjis whose authors were high government
officials. Hence the language of these chronicles is dignified
and graceful. As they are factual records, they have been
put in a language which is ordinarily free from sentimental
rhetoric. They are simple, easy, unpretentious, and un-
questionably charming.

All these vast historical writings have not yet been com-
pletely brought to Ifght. Dr. S. K. Bhuyan has published
some of them under the auspices of the Department of Histoii-
cal and Ai'tiquarian Studies, Government of Assam. The prose
chronicles published so far by the said D^artment are Xsam-
BuraSji by Harakanta Barua (1930), Deodhani-Asam-Buranjif
a compilation from several sources (1932), TungakhungijfS-
BuroHji by Srinath Duara (1932), Kachdri-Buranji (1936),
and Asam-Buranji (1945). Two other important chronicles,
viz., the Puravi-Jbdm-Buranji (1922) and Pddivdh-Buranji, have
been published by the Kamarupa Anusandhana Samiti and
edited respectively by Pandit Hemachandra Goswami and
Dr. S. K. Bhuyan.

The dates of composition of all these Burahjis have not
definitely been ascertained; they were perhaps compiled
over a long period, beginning from the late sixteenth to the
early nineteenth century. Chronologically speaking, Puravi-
Asdm-Buranji, edited by the late Pandit Hemachandra Goswa-
mi, may be takoi to be the earliest. Goswami considers
the work to have been compiled in the reign of Gadadhar
Singha (1681-1695). Another chronicle, Svargandrifyarfdevaf
Mahdri^dr~Af^in, now published under the title Asdm-
Bura^i, also aj^ears to have been compiled, according to
Dr. S. K. Bhuyan, during this pariod.

Bandit Goswami also came to the conclusitm that Kath&flUa

ASSAMESE IJTBILATURE UNDER THE ABOM PATRON|k.G£ 9$

'was composed at some time ailer 1594. So the time intervening
between the composition of KethS^Ui and PuraM-Jb&a-
BuraHjl is roughly about one hundred ye^.

Buranji shows clearly how during these one hundred, yean
Assamese prose was shying itself. It is true that Bhaftadeva
broke away firom the^conventidnal ornamental style and*
for the fint time in the history of Assamese lit^ature, adopted
the spoken language. But he was not completely free from
the influence of the. ornate and ci^tivated Sanskritised style.
As already pointed out, Bhattadeva indeed succeeded to a
large extent in using an Assamese vocabulary in spite of the
classical learning that encumbered him. But in the structure
of his sentences he could not completely get away from the
Sanskrit model, and a large percentage of tatsama words made
their inroads into his writings. The language of the Buranjts,
however, is completely free from classical influence as they
were written on subject-matter which was entirely different
in tone and accentuation. The Buranjts have no association
whatsoever with scriptural texts. They are annafs of royal
families and intimate portrayals of the contemporary scene,
compiled by wise and experienced men of affairs imbued with
the sense of historical perspective. They give us chronolc^cal
accounts of the court life, the royal routine and the proceed-
ings of the royal court. For these reasons the language of the
Buranjis cannot but be the polished language of the courtiers.
Based as it was on the cultured langu^e of the court, it is
admirable for its richness, and clarity and is well fitted for
historical narration. “It is curious how the Assamese intellect,**
observes Dr. S. K. Bhuyan, “nurtured on the extravagance of
Vaisuava pioetry, cofUd pin itself down to the chronicling
of grim realities and hard facts in a colourless and impersonal
fashion. The bridge between the two phases of the intellect
labouring in the realm of fiction or of fact was afforded by the
model set forth in the Buranjis written in the Ahom language,
the chronicler? of which enjoyed immunity from the in-
fluence of imaginative poetry and who were subjected to
rigorous discipline and supervision as their works were com-
piled as a toatter of oflicial routine.”

Though th«« was no need for literary airs and graces,
yet the Bttrai^is are not wholly devoid of them. In this connec-

100

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURB

tion another remark of Dr. S. K. Bhuyan, made with reference
to the literary flavour of Padiah-BuraAjll may also be applied
to other Buranjis Vidi equal force. He observes, “The historical
narrative *is not a dry bone. One notices in it thought and
emotions too. Hence it ascends to tke level of pure literature.
It will not be too much to sdy that such a confluence of history
and literature ij*not to be found in any tnodern Indian litera-
ture in the pre-British period. What would otherwise be a
dry historical narrative, hai<» in the hands of the writer become
an entertaining historical literature punctuated to the reader’s
satisfaction by such elements of style as simile, analogy,
illustrations, episodes and diversions.” Scattered throughout
the entire Buranji literature are numerous instances of worldly
wisdom and original thoughts. The secret of the literary
success of the Buranjis lies to a great extent in sentence cons-
truction, local idiom and the expressive cadence of the spoken
language. The writers are adepts in expressing themselves
in short sentences and simple and homely phraseology.

The Bttranjis contributed largely towards the enrichment
of Assambse vocabulary in its various ramifications m diverse
fields. They incorporate a large number of administrative
and legal terms current in the Ahom court. Words from the
Ahom language are also not rare. Such words are used to
denote things and institutions which are distinctly connected
with Ahom life and culture. Words of Arabic and Persian
origin also have been laid under contribution, particularly
in ambassadorial and diplomatic deeds and documents.

These Buranjis were mostly written in the eastern dialect
of Assamese {Ujanijra bhofo), which from this time began to
rank as the standard literary speech. This development was
due to the predominance of eastern Assam as the seat of the
Ahom court and administration, and centre of trade and
commerce: a fact which made eastern Assamese the language
of affairs. It was after the pattern of this prose that the easy
and simple prose of the Aru^odqy (1846), the first periodical
in Assamese, developed in the early years of the 19th century.

There is another class of historical writings composed in
both verse and prose and generally known as Varhiavalis.
Besides recording the genealogy of the different families of
the nobles, the VtahiSvalis give sketches of their lives and

ASSAMESE UTERATITBE UNDER THE AHOM PATROI^OE lOJb

Careers. It seemed important for various reasons tpTpreseirvQ
an authentic record tof the noble families for receiving royal
grant and office. These Vathiavalis thus stlpply information
which is not available in the Buranjis, Such a fiamiSvedi is
Darang-Ry-Vamidvali ccftnposed m verse by Suryakhari
Daivajna during the latter part of the eighteenth centtuy
under thh patronage of Samudra-narayany Koch king to
Darang. The original manuscript of the book was embelJ-
lished with beautiAjl illustrations. “The Darang-/?
writes Dr. S. K. Bhuyan, “has been an invaluable source book
for all studies connected with the early history of the Koch
rulers.”

The six hundred ycarg of Ahom rule present a panorama
of growth in all departments of life. The most distinctive
aspects of the period, as noticed earlier, were the geographi-
cal and racial unification of the country, stabilisation of the
political institutions, organisation ol the ecQjiomic, social
and religious systems, and the rise of cultural nationalism.
Contributing to the growth of nationalism were such diverse
factors as the invasions of the Moghuls, the coming of Islam,
the expansionist tendency of the kings and a general awakening
in the country. The rationalistic temper of the age had a
direct effect on arts aind literature, which contributed a good
deal to the life of the people. The intellectual and artistic
expression of the period may be known alone from the produc-
tion of enormous manuscripts. The manuscript-production,
which demanded much calligraphic and orthographic ability,
was itself a magnificent achievement. The production of a
manuscript was a laborious process involving leisure and
money. Large number of manuscripts could be produced
only with royal munificence. Each manuscript produced in
the royal court is even now a priceless treasure of art for its
calligraphy and even for the material on which the words are
written. These manuscripts were prepared on barks of cadci
trees or on aloe wood, and the preparation entailed various
processes of seasoning, polishing and painting before the
material could be used for writing. It should also be noted
that with the manuscript-production was intimately con-
necteii the art of painting. Some of the magnificent manus-
cripts produced during the period are Gitagovinda, Sankhdsura-

tOS HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

mdha, Bn&gavatay Darang-Rdj^VariiSdvali, HasH-viifyitr^am. The
paintings in these manuscripts do not consist exclusively of
religious pictures^ but also abound in lively portraits of l^gs
Sind courtdife.

Froth the standpoint of literary}' history, however, the
distinctive features of the age arc the growth of prose and
secular literature, the tendency to exalt the individual, parti-
cularly saints and kings, and the emergence of scientific
curiosity. It is a significant feature of the age that along
with the development of prose literature, interest in utilitarian
subjects and the scientific temper also gathered a fresh momen-
tum. The study of mathematics and architecture was the first
step in this direction. Astrology ai^d ‘the donkey and the
steed of Apollo’ were cultivated, and in the treatises on Jyotua
the authors described natural phenomena with the limited
knowledge they had at their command. The tomes on Ayur-
veda are full of pharmacological and zoological observations.

When, however, we turn to literature proper we do not
gain an inspiring impression. It seems that never before so
many flower-plants were nurtured with so much zeal, but
there are very few flowers blossoming with perfumes and
colour to count with. The output of literary productions
was doubtless g^eat and books were composed practically
on all branches of literature, but the majority of writings,
both religious and secular, are stereotyped, etiolated, imi-
tative and laboured, and do not rise above the level of mere
verse-making. Their poetic forms are also traditional or
repetitive of earlier models, and they do not show any spon-
taneity and originality. It is true that a few poets handled
fresh motifs and themes, but their woi^ics, too, lack intense
feeling and ctnotion and are consequently anaemic in their
final impression. The period produced a large number of
poets and writers, but we do not get a saint-poet of Sankara-
deva’s genius, a devotee-philosopher of Madhavadeva’s
eminence or a scholar of Rama Sarasvati’s greatness.

CHAPTER VI

BEGINNING OF THE MODERN PERIOD
IHE AMERICAN BAPTIST MISSION

The Ahoms ruled ii) Assam from the beginning of the thir>
teenth to about the middle of the mneteenth century (1826).
The closing decades of the Ahom rule were fateful years in
the history of Assam. The whole country was tom with
internal strife. In the struggle for ascendancy between the
two forms of Hindu worship, the Vai^pavite and the l§akta,
that had been going on since the fifteenth century, the latter
had so far succeeded as to become the court religion of the
Ahom kings, who extended patronage to its adherents on
a large scale. This did not matter much as long as the kings
themselves exercised religious tolerance. But during the last
days of King R^eswar Singha’s reign (1714-1744), the queen,
who wielded immense prawer, persecuted a section of the-
Vaispavas. The latter rose in revolt, and the rebellion
gathered such force that it shook his administration to its
very foundation. His successor, Laxmi Singha, was not able
to improve the situation. The administrative machinery
of the state, already none too strong, began to show distinct
signs of decadence and disintegration.

On account of the Vaispavite revolt and other political
feuds the administration finally broke down during Chandra-
kanta Singha’s reign, fuid in 1817, on the invitation of Badan
Barphukan, an Ahom Viceroy, the Burmese invaded and
plundered the country. They revisited it the following year,
tempted by the wealth of the country, and decided to conquer
it and fiiudly took possession of Assam in 1820. In 1826 the-
Burmese came into conflict with the British in Gachar and,
being defeated, surrendered Assam to the East India Company
under the Treaty of Yandabu (1839).

The British were strangers to the land and had no knowledge
of the Ipcal tongue. So people from other provinces of India
began to pour into Assam and settle down as interpreters and

104 BISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

dorks Lf the British to enable them to carry on the newly
established administration. Under the influence of these
men, recruited mostly from Bengal, the British administrators
made Bengali the language of the court and the medium of
instruction in the schools of Assam.' It was in 1836 that Assa-
mese was thrown out of the JUiw-courts and schools and Bengali
was installed iu its place. The same year that Asi^amesc thus
lost its official position two remarkable members of the Ameri-
can Baptist Mission, the Rev. N. Brown and O. T. Cotter,
arrived in Assam with thdr families. Among other things a
printing-machine was part of their missionary equipment.
Realising at once that to instil the love of Christ in the heart
of the people they must approach them through the medium
of their mother tongue, the missionaries immediately set
about learning it, and within three months of their arrival
in Assam they produced the first Assamese primer for use in
the schools which they had established. Even before their
arrival, the English Missionaries Carey and Marshman had
started W 9 rk in this direction from Serampore near Calcutta,
and in collaboration with an Assamese Pandit, Atmaram
Sarma of Kaliabar (Nowgong District), they had translated
the entire Bible into Assamese and published it from Serampore
in 1813. This was the first Assamese book in print. The
missionaries were not literary men. Their chief aim was the
spread of Christianity and of western education along with
it. So they wrote mainly Christian literature and text-books.
These books dealt in general knowledge, stories from history,
geography and the world of science, as well as the li\cs of
Christian saints and apostles. In addition to these they also
compiled dictionaries and wrote texts on -Assamese Grammar —
both essential for learning the language. In 1839 was pub-
lished A Gtammar of the Assamese Language by Mr. W. Robinson
from Serampore. This is the first Assamese Grammar. In
1848 the Rev. Brown published from Sibsagar his Grammatical
Notice of the Assamese Language. From the same place was
published Mrs. Cutter’s Vocabulaty. In 1894, Mr. G. F. Nicholl
published’, along with his Manual of the Bengali Language,
an Assamese Grammar. All these grammars of the Assamese
language were written in English and were intended for
English-speaking people who wanted to learn Assamese.

BBOmHlNO OF THE MODERN PERIOD

105

InevitaUy they were influenced by the method of'iinglish
grammar, but they represent the first scientific attempt at
studying the Assamese language.

In 1867 was published Mr. Bronson’s DicHona^ ik Assamese
and English firom the Bapfist Mission Press at Sibsagar.* This
is the first published Assamese Dictionary. Sri Jaduram Barua
had compiled a Dictionary even earlier bift unfortunately
it did not see the light of day.

Bronson’s spelling, was based on the spoken language which
does not always conform to the written style. Haice his
Dictionary does not have much practical utility today. Re-
garding the other contributions of the missionaries, Mr. P. H.
Moore, a missionary and,linguist, observed as early as 1907:
“The modem literature in Assamese whether Christian or
non-Christian may be said to be the product of the last sixty
years of the 19th century. Brown, Bronson and Nidhi Levi
are the trio of names that stand out pre-eminently as the foun-
ders of Assamese Christian Literature.”^

Of the missionaries. Brown was the greatest single>benefactor
of Assamese literature. Together with O. Cutter, he established
the first printing press in Assam in 1836, and from this press
was published in 1844 the first newspaper in Assamese —
Arumday (The Sunrise). Reference has already been made to
his Grammar of the Assamese Language.

Another contribution of Brown was his Assamese version
of the New Testament. It has, however, to be noted that
though the Bible is a great and sacred book, its Assamese
version has not left any impre.'s whatsoever on Assamese
language and literature. Written in an artificial and defective
idiom by men with •imperfect knowledge of Assamese, and
dealing with an absolutely different set of saints, apostles and
religious beliefs, the New Testament could not strike root in
the minds of the common people who found in it nothing to
approach the immortal epics, the Rameyai^ and the Atahd-
bharata. In addition to the Christian tracts and psalms, which
he composed and published. Brown also arranged for the
publication of some old Assamese manuscripts. His wife too
wrote a few text-books and stories in Assamese.

^ V. H. Sword, Baptist in Assam, Conference Press, Chiesgo, Illinois, 1933.

106 mSTORY OF AS8A1IBSB LtlVRATURB

Among the local talents who atsisted the ttiisskMArioi,
Nidhi Levi Farwdl’s name is noteworthy. He published a
number of articles and poems in the Afu^td^ and tried to
standardly Assamese spdling and grammar. He also translated
from iBengsdi in 1855 Naturoi Scitnce in FamUiar Dialogiu. The
book explains, in fourteen different dialogues, such phenomena
as planetary motion, the atmosphere, the origin and ‘mystery o(
man, the evolution of animals, plants, creepers and minerals. The
book illustrates the earliest prose dialogue of modem Assamese,
which was developed in die later prose dramas. Farwell’s
general treatises on science together with the flexible prose
style he developed for scientific expression in Assamese are,
in a sense, sui generis. Mention may .also be made of TatrVtSrat
Titra (Assamese rendering of The Pilgrim’s Progress) and the
novels Kamini K&itaaaAPkulniai^iAru Karund, which the missio*
naries published. Though scriptural m tone, Kamini Kdnta
by G. S. Gumey (1877) is the first modem Assamese novel.
The missionaries wrote several books, all in prose, for the
spread of 'Christianity. Though most of these books were
translations from English and as such lacked originality,
through them was evolved a prose style capable of expressing
varied interests.

The missionaries adopted in their compositions the spoken
language of the people. They had no extensive or intimate
knowledge of the genius of the language. The result was
that their writings were artificial and sometimes even amusing
for their malapropisms. On the whole their writings failed
to attract the people.

The missionaries definitely achieved one thing. Up till now
Assamese literature was more or less an ofal literature confined
to the villages and the Ahom court. It now takes a definitely
urban complexion, and at Gauhati, Sibst^ar, Nowgong and
such other headquarter towns literary circles sprang up.
The old religious tone was replaced by a more secular one,
and there grew up a literature dealing not with a mythical
world of gods and nymphs but with the life and society
the ‘mortal millions’ here and now. Western ideas began to
spread along widi the progress of Engli^ education in the
land. In every town a literary society was bom. Old bdliefr,
ways and concepts yielded place to new ones. The influence

TOOmNlNO OF THE MODERN PBRKMD 107

of western ideas bc^^an to be keenly fidt in the donlain of
literature, which now eaters a period of varied creative
activity.

To this spread of new ideas, the widening of horizons and
enrichment of literature, die press and the newspapers fnade
an invaluable contributions, particularly the Baptist Mission
Press of SiUsagar and its periodical, the Arw^o^. Most Assa-
mese books of the mid-nineteenth century were published
from this press. The^ printed books and newspapers brought
literature within the reach of the atrerage man, and not only
helped in its advancement but also enabled the growth of a
standard language understood by all.

In this connection mention must be made of some Assamese
litterateurs of the time, who had a community of interest
and whose efforts supplemented the work of the missionaries.
Among them Anandar^ Dhekial Phukan was the leading
figure. Dhekial Phukan agitated for the reinstatement of the
Assamese language in the schools and courts and published
several spirited articles on the subject in the Arurfoday^haVsiVLa
A Few Remarks on the Assarruse Language, a pamphlet of force
and power pleading for the re-instatement of the Assamese
language was published in 1849 from the Baptist Mission
at Sibsagar. Of the other works of Phukan, the Aramfj'a-
Lorar Mitra (The Assamese Boys’ Companion, 1849) deserves
commendation. Though devoid of literary merit, his writings
provide specimens of the transitional modem Assamese
prose style that was gradually evolving. His untimely death
in the prime of life cut down a promising literary career.

The next major writer who tried to advance Assamese langua-
ge and literature was Gimabhiram Barua (1837-95). Like
Anandaram Dhekial Phukan, Gunabhiram was also educated
at Calcutta. The two principal works of Barua are Biography
of Anandaram Dhekial Phukan (1880) and the Asam Bura^i
(1884), both models of the modem scientific spirit in biography
and history respectively. Gunabhiram had skill in sifting
and re-arranging details to bring out the soul of the man he
wrote about and the spirit of the time he touched on. He
made a breach with the tradition of the religious biography
of the ya49ava period. His history is also tile first compre-
hensive modem history of Assam covering not only the political

108 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UTERATURE

but alio the religious, the social and the cultural aspects.
His descriptions are charming; his language, devoid of rhetori-
cal flowers, is <degantly simple and appealing. Gunabhiram
also edit^ a monthly journal, the Asam-Bandhu (The Friend
of Assam, 1885), from Calcutta, t6 which he himself contri-
buted a number of valuable articles on Assam’s history.

In Gunabh^am Barua’s hands Assamese prd^ attained
a perfection not reached before. While his predecessors had
made Assamese prose flexible enough to express all kinds
of ideas and the Christiaii missionaries had employed it not
only for Christian theology but also for secular knowledge
including science, it was Gunabhiram who made it a full-
fledged literary and artistic medium. What was till now largely
an instrument for proselytisation became in his hands a
weapon of strength and beauty. He fostered literary' culture
amongst his friends by encouraging them to write, and was
thus the central figure of much fruitful literary work. His
dominating literary personality and his long literary career
made his^ contemporaries regard him as the literary dictator
of the time. He reminds one of Dr. Johnson.

Another literary stalwart of the 19th century was
Hemchandra Barua (1835-96), who has rightly been called
the father of modet^n Assamese language and literature. He
brought great devotion to his work < ouplcd with organisation,
assiduity and diligence. His Grammar of the Asmmese Language
(1856) and Hemkos (Dictionary), the first standard work
on lexicography, laid a sure foundation for the future deve-
lopment of the language. The language now had a systematic
grammar which among other things laid down clear-cut rules
for spelling and syntax, leaving no room for obscurity and
confusion. The Hemkos became a standard lexicon giving
the etymology of words and their English equivalents and
clearly setting forth what each word in the Assamese language
really meant. His Grammar and Dictionary remain even
texlay standard texts.

Hemchandra Barua, a descendant of an orthodox Brahmin
family of Sibsagar, learnt English secretly at home with the
assistance of the missionaries. He was a gifted contributor
to the Aruifoday. He began his literary career as a i{]friter of
school texts, of which the Adipath and the PStkmalS. remain

BEGINNING OF THE MODERN PERIOD 109

even today two of the best specimens of Assamese prose style.
Of his other works, the Bihire Ran Can Bhitt^re Kovd Bkdturi
(All that glitters is not gold) is a novelette where the satiric
or critical spirit was for tlje first time introduced in*Assamese
literature. Though himself a high-class Brahmin, Hem-
chandra B^ua was an outspoken* critic of Hindu orthodoxy
and was pitiless in exposing its many social and moral hypo-
crisies and hide-bound conventions. He mercilessly lays bare
in the novelette the •immoral practices of Gobardhan Satra-
dhikar, a Hindu pontiff, who professes to be religious but is
in fact lecherous, secretly indulging in all sorts of immoral
liaisons, and even going so far as to seduce the wife of a low-
caste disciple of his. j

In 1861 was published his Kdniydr Kirtan — a social farce
dealing with the evil effects of opium-addiction. Incidentally,
he also exposed in this farce how in the name of religion the
Gosains and Mahantas, who were entrusted with religious
administration, perpetrated immoralities, and how Assamese
peons of the British in their overweening pride used Hindus-
thani in preference to their mother tongue for no other purpose
than to mystify the common folk and to cut impressive figures.
The whole farce is full of bitter satire and biting sarcasm.
Though somewhat lacking in dramatic vigour, its reformatory
appeal and entertaining dialogue make Kdniydr Kirtan an
outstanding literary achievement. Indeed, it actually won
a prize from the Govemirieni. In the evolution of Assamese
prose style Hemi handra Barua’s has been a profoundly
wholesome influence.

CHAPTER VJ[I

POETRY

As A result of the spread of the western system of education
and the consequent impact of western ideas on the minds of
the people, Assamese poetry underwent radical changes in
both form and content. These changes began to be noticed
in the last decades of the 19th century. Assamese literature
was influenced by the Romantic R^^vival in England, and the
result was a new and unprecedented florescence of Assamese
literature, rich and varied, vital and vigorous. The old and
narrow outlook yielded place to catholicity, formalism to a
variety of attractive and new patterns. There were innovations
in diction, rhythm and imagery, potent instruments of poetic
consciousLess, and what emerged from these innovations
was something novel, invigorating, powerful and brilliant.
Assamese poetry entered into a romantic period of large and
lofty dreams of Utopias and £1 Dorados, daring hopes and
sky-scraping aspirations. The new poetry sang of freedom
for all from political dependence, social injustice, religious
bigotry, of the dignity of the individual, and of the unity of
the nation. *

In Assamese, as in other languages, poetry was the earliest
medium of expression. No wonder, therefore, that the new
spirit of romanticism also found its earliest articulation in
verse. As one modem poet remarks, ^“Burdened with the
complexity of the lives we lead, fretting over appearances,
netted in with anxieties and apprehensions, half smothered
iit drift of tepid thoughts and tepid feelings, we may refuse
what poetry has to give; but under its influence serenity
returns to the troubled mind, the world crumbles, loveliness
shines like flowers after rain and the further reality is once
more charged with mystery.” This is pre-eminently true
of modem Assamese poetry over which the influence of the
English Romantic Revival was doubtless very wholesome.
Its love of beauty developed in the Assamese poets a fuller

POETRY

in

appreciation of the scenic grandeur of their counUf . Simi-
larly, its interest in .antiquity imbued the Assamese poets
with a deeper understanding and a more* intense love of
the national heritage. %

A leading poet of this*new movement was Kamalalcanta
Bhattacharya (1838-1936). In the poetry of Kamalakanta
Bhattacha^ya there is the triple strand of the patriot, philoso-
pher and social reformer. For the first time in Assamese litera-
ture, he sounded the clarion call of liberal patriotism. His pat-
riotism, however, consisted not only in rousing a foigetful,
sleeping but puissant nation to the glories of their ancient
culture, but also in urging it to march with the times and
follow the methods of western nations. He was inspired
by the examples of Garibaldi and Mazzini :

Then will be bom hundreds of Mazzinis,

Out of ncglect»stones,

And hundreds of Garibaldis too

To shed lustre on the soil of India.

Two notable collections of Kamalakanta’s poems are
Cintanal, 1809 (Burning Thoughts), and in Cintdtarangi^i
(Waves of Thought) . The lack of freedom and the accom-
panying ills of the country roused him to poignant protest.
The sad contrast between the lofty and sunny past of the
country and the benighted present was a recurring theme
in most of his poetic raptures. The poet reminded his country-
men that they alone had fallen into disgrace while the country
remained still as lovely and delightful as of old. Some poems
of Cintanal, such as the Udagant (A Word of Cheer), the
Purifimar Ratilai Cat (On Looking at the Full-Moon Night),
Etna Asam J^ahayane SmaiSn (Is not this Assam a grave-yard?)
and JStiya Gaurav (National Glory) are especially devoted to
the illuminating juxtaposition of two pictures, one of the
golden past and the other of the contemporary iron age of
a crippling and stultifying bondage. His poems exhale, as
flowers exhale fragrance, a new ideal of nationalism, new
values of life, and the culture of the Upanisads. He was
proud of being an Indian, and in this pride resides chiefly
the and charm of his stirring songs. He was extraordi-

narily sensitive to Assam’s glory.

112 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Zn PJutrani (Forgetfulness) the poet, after narrating how
Assam’s ancient glories have sunk in oUivion, dwells on how
those glories can be revived to exalt her to her deserved place
of honoui in the comity of nations. These patriotic poems
of Kamalakanta inspired the succeeding generation of educated
and enlightened youth to delve deep into the rich mines of
Assam’s m£^;ni£cent past.

In HimHayar Prati Sambodhan, 1919 (An Address to the
Himalayas), the poet addresses the mighty mountain and
narrates in the form of a nighly imaginative and fascinating
dialogue, the annals of India’s gloiious antiquity, contrasting
them with the woes and throes of the present. In the Vedic
zge, the Brahmins were worthy custodians of light and culture,
whilst the Kshatriyas performed their ordained task of admi-
nistration and defence of the country, and the Vaisyas, that of
economic enrichment of the countiy through commerce
and industry. But at present all of them have deviated from
their well-ordained duties with the result that ignorance,
illiteracy, /discontent, iniquity, corruption and misery stalk
the land. The poet has, of course, faith in a bright future and
the poem ends on an optimistic note:

A new earth will now be slowly bom.

And envy and hatred will yield to love
And peace will possess the world.

More than any other writer Kamalakanta has through his
stirring verses excited the imagination of the Assames people
and created in them a fresh interest in life and stimulus to
progress. Kamalakanta has emotion and fire but his rhythm
is not always smooth, polished and disciplined. His is not a
chastened muse. Generally speaking his poetic texture is
somewhat loose and inorganic.

Bholanath Das (1858-1929) was another early lyricist,
and his CintS Tarangi^t (Waves of Thought, 1884) contained
some fervent and noble lyrics. He also wrote the first Assamese
epic in blank verse, Sitd-hara^ Kai^a (1888), based on the
R&n^a^a story, in which the influence of Michael Madhu-
sudan Datta is broadly discernible. His diction was an uneven
mixture of Sanskrit words and compounds, together with
mediaeveil inflexions of Assamese words, and hence it lacked

POETRY

113

chastity and felicity. At places the poet shows eloquence
and verve which make up for the defect in diction. Occa-
sionally there are memorable observations. %Vhile describing
Surpanakha, the poet reflects about women in ^general :

Who in the whole universe^ can know the mind of a
.« ^ ^ woman ?

The soft face of a woman is not an index that the mind

is as soft.

Who can fathom the minds ^of women? They may be
silent and pliant; but arc their hearts as pliant?

Hard nuts abound in their hearts,

Where the bees do not get honey.

I’he lotus-faced women shed lusture to conceal dark

minds within.

Like the flame that sheds light and >ct bears a dark

core.

•

Lakshminath Bezbarua (1868-1938) is universally
acknowledged to be the greatest hgure in modern Assamese
literature. He was an excellent poet, a gifted ess&>ist, and
a distinguished journalist. Assamese poetry in the hands of
Lakshminath broke all its traditional fetters. He not only
struck new notes and 0 ])ened new vistas of thought but in-
troduced fresh forms and diction. He* wrote outstanding
love-1) rics, nature-poems, narrative verse and Jjallads. He
is thoroughly imbued with the romantic Sjurit, and v^isualises
two j)oles for the world of poetic ( on«c iousriess — the sweetness
of the saddest thought and the beauty of colour and sound
pervading the whole world.

In his patriotic songs and pocm<J, as in Amar Javma Bhumi^
Mor Dei^ Asam-^angW^ and Bin Baidgi^ Lakshminath sets
forth the glories and the greatness of Assamese culture and
history with glowing love and admiration. He looks with
wondering eyes upon the past history of the country and
bursts into splendid paeans of praise for the faded grandeur
and the forgotten national heritage.

Romantic idealization of the past stimulated Bezbarua’s
nationalistic sentiments. Needless to say, Lakshminath’s
patriotic poetry shed lustre on and lent courage, faith, confi-
dence and strength to the downtrodden and oppressed people
of the country during their last freedom-fight. His song>

8

114 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

O My 6wn Land, 0 My Beautiful Land, is justly regarded as
the national anthem of Assam. r

A meeting-ground for various races and tribes, Assam
naturally Cias become the cradle for various cultures and the
treasure-house of vast lore arising Ifrom the peoples’ genius.
Her folk-literature has always exercised a weird fascination
over the minds 'of all lovers of letters. Lakshminatn not only
collected ancient lays in Assamese and conserved the other
literary treasures of the country but also distilled their wealth
of passion, imagination and expression into his own composi-
tions. He skillfully recreated in his poems the body and soul
of many an old ballad and many a mediaeval pastoral song.
He wa.s endowed with the eye of 3^ painter and the ear of a
musician. His Konya (Dumb Bride) is a picture in

words. Dhdnbar am Ratani, a ballad about a rustic youth and
a maiden, is a unique piece of literary creation. Kiyano Anili
Mane ai Badan Tai, a sombre pastorsil poem which deal with
the catastrophic treason of Badan Barphukan, the Assamese
Minister at whose invitation the Burmese invaded Assam in
1816, is full of melancholy, sadness and despair.

Padmanath Gohain Barua also composed some Ijrics,
and his Phular Cdneki (Sample of Flowers) is an anthology
of descriptive nature poems. 'I he poet is attracted by the
silent profundity of Nature. Gerald Manley Hopkins observed
that the world is charged with God’s grandeur which shines
forth everywhere as from ‘shook foil’. Gohain Barua subscribes to
the same view and affirms that all Nature points to God.
The sun, the trees and creepers “sing the hymns of God”.
From this point of view, his poem Kartavya (Duty) is note-
worthy. In the poem, Usa (Dawn), the poet speaks of the
birth of new life as a result of the union of Dawm and Nature.
Gohain Barua’s vocabulary is racy of the soil, he being ex-
tremely loyal to orthodox and meticulous Assamese. Lila
is a long autobiographical poem in blank verse, describing
domestic felicity. The poem glows with charming descrip-
tions of the natural beauties of Assam.

Ghandrakumar Agarwala (1867-1 938) is another votary at the
shrine of Beauty. His poetry breathes a love of beauty, a joy in
living and a spirit of optimism, issuing forth from ,a warm,
sympathetic and tender heart. He did not foUow the beaten

POSTRY

115

track, and in his poetry there are some new trend^ While
older poets believed, beauty to dwell in the ambrosial bliss
of the heaven of the herc^ter, modem ppets discover the
same beauty in the heart of Nature. Cliandraki|mar went
a step further and maintained that it dwells in man’s 'tender
affection, cordiality and grace. Ptadma (The Image) is a small
collection* containing beautiful nature poem% such as Sandigia
(The Evening), Prakrit (Nature), Niyar (The Dew), etc.,
in which the poet gives glowing pictures of Nature’s mysterious
and awe-inspiring beauty and conveys the profound appeal
that she makes to the mind of man. Romanticism, under
whose wings he had come during his younger days, also
directed his thought to folklore. His Ban-kumvari (The Wood-
land Nymph), Jal-kumv^i (The Sea Nymph), Tejimala (The
Creeper Nymph) and other such poems are pregnant with
a supernatural beauty and mystery. Here is a ‘Celtic’ touch
with which old popular beliefs have been made to yield
poems of matchless craftsmanship and charm. Another element
of his poetry is his wide humanity and the recogiyLtion of the
basic equality of men. In recognising the dignity of man as
man everywhere, he was influent ed by the French philosopher
Auguste Compte. In his poem Bit}. Batagi (The Ministrcl)
he sings of the glory of love for man. ^ He sees beauty and
truth in the relations of man in his everyday life, and finds
glory and excellence in human affection and sympathy in
the face of common suffering. The poet wants to metamor-
phose our tabernacle on earth into a blessed heavenly abode
by sweeping away all the dirt and inequalities of the earth.

Ananda Chandra Agarwala (: 874-1 940) translated poems
from English whicl^rcad like the original. He also wrote
several narrative poems of absorbing interest based on folk-
tales.

Hiteswai Barbarua ( 1 876-1939) wrote long narrative poems in
blank verse and a number of sonnets, modelled after English
types. His earliest collection, (The Bud, 1902), contains

poems composed in early youth. ITie long poem, Kamatapur
Dhvantta am Birahtiji Bildp Katya (The Fall of Kamatapur
and the Sorrows of Parted Lovers), was published in 1912.
The theme is taken from mediaeval Assamese history. It
descri&es how ancient Kamatapur (situated near modern

116 HISTORY OF ASLUIESE UTERATURE

Oooch ll«har) was sacked, during the reign of King Nilambar»
by the Nawab of Gaur through the confipiracy of Nilambar’s
own minister. Divided in fifteen sections, the poem is mostly
•dramatic.! Another historical narrative poem is his Tirotdr
Atmaddn (Woman’s Self-Sacrifice) ♦in which the poet des-
cribes how the illustrious «Ahom Princess, Jayamati, held
as ransom by a- tyrannical despot, the Lara-Raja^ willingly
embraced death through torture for the cause of her husband
and the country. The ,poet, while maintaining fidelity to
facts, pours out all the wealth oi his imagination whenever
there is opportunity to do so. He often stops and indulges
in impassioned apostrophes to suih things as Imagination,
Tears, Dewdrops, Sleep, etc. apostrophes which almost
become independent Ivrics of rare charm and beauty.

Tudd/iaksettat Ahom Ramani ba Mula Gdbharu (An Ahoin
heroine in the batde-licld or Mula Gabharu) is another
long, narrative poem by Barbarua. Based on the sixth and
seventh invasions of Assam by the Moghuls of Delhi in 1532
and 1533f the poem describes the exemplary courage, un-
swerving heroism and sacrificial love of the Assamese heroine,
Mula, who joined the army, fought the Moghuls, killed two
Moghul generals, and thus avenged the death, at their hands,
of her own husband, a general killed the previous year in
action. Mula was herself subsequently killed on the battle-
field. There is soul-stirring patriotic appeal throughout the
poem; Barbarua’s lines on love of the father-land have become
proverbial in Assam:

Whoever lays down his life on the battlefield.

Fighting for the freedom of his father-land.

Gets immortal bliss after death.

Death is, in his case, eternal rest.

Full of happiness, on the lap of the Mother Universal.

To him fire is mellow as moonlight
And the bed of clay is flower-bed.

And the piercing spears falling
Are but flowery showers.

He was widely read in European literature which he admired
very much and which influenced his literary practice. He
modelled his Afljali after Goldsmith’s Vicar oj Wakefield and

POETRY

117

based his Desdemona Kavya on Shakespeare’s Othello^
quotations from famous European writers, are interspersed
in his works. The Abhds (Outline, 1914) is a coyection of
twenty-one lyrics devotecj to the lives of as many illustrious-
women, including such diverse figures as Yasoda, Boadicea
and Joan of Arc.

His Mdlac (1918), a collection of 128 sonnets, is tne first
sonnet-sequence in Assamese. Covering in its narrow compass
a very wide range 6f topics such#as Isvara (God), Kalpana
(Fancy), Ihakala (This Side of the Grave), Sapon (Dream),
the sequence contains, besides, poems addressed to Shakes*
f>eare, Kalidasa, Sankaradeva, Sakuntala, Miranda and
other figures, real and imlginar) , dear to his heart. Barbarua
had known several bereavements in life, and apparently
some of his sonnets arc keys to unlock his agitated and afflicted
heart. We have some Splendid sonnets on Yatana (Tribula-
tions), Kandon (llie Crying), San t\ ana (Consolation) and
Cakulo (Tears). ^

Cakulo (Tears, 1922) is another sonnet-sequence of Hite-
sw'ar Barbarua composed on the death of his youngest son.
The sonnets express the bitter grief of the father. If the test
of genuine i)oetry is to move, there can be no more genuine
poetry than these sonnets. There is something in their language
which brings tears to the reader's c>es. The title, Cakulo^ is
thus an ajiposite one. T'hc sequence contains, in addition,
a number of elegiac poems, which deal not only with the
recurring grief of the bereaved father but also with ultimate
problems like Life, Death, Soul. Heaven and the like. In
su(h poems the poct^ succeeds in refracting the actual inta
the prophetic.

A scion of an ancient Ahom royal family, Hiteswar Bar-
barua knew intimately the pageant of Ahom history. This
he collected into a book ( ailed Ahomar Din (T he Ahom Days),
which unfortunately yet remains to be published. His Mdlitd
is a novel with the same purpose, lined on a more fanciful
canvas, and gives a faithful picture of some aspects of Ahom
aristocracy in its heyday.

As a sonneteer Durgeswar Sarma also occupies a high
position* in Assamese literature. His sonnets together with
other lyrics have been published in two collecticms — A%jali

118

HISTORY OF ASSAMEffi LITERATURE

(Flower OfFarings) and Jdoedan (The Supplication). A poet
of strong moral nnd religious feeling anil of elevated thought,
Durgeswsdr Sarma occupies himself with the life fleeting and
the Godhead eternal and the restless craving of the soul for
self-realisation.

Many of his poems are sensuous and contain idyllic descrip-
tions of sylvan youths and maids and of external nature. Picture-
sque in content and musical in phrase, symphonies of colour
and sound weaving themsdves into strange and rich melodies,
Durgeswar Sarma’s poetry reminds one of the English Lake
poets whose influence is discernible in it.

Chandradhar Barua (1878- ) is among the pioneers of
Romanticism, but his reputation resVs more on his dramas than
on his verse. His Ranjan is a collection of poems containing,
besides love and nature poems, hilarious ones composed in a
light vein. Smrti (Reminiscence) is a happy performance, alike
for thought and feeling, where nature becomes the background
for his love-emotions. The poet here expresses his belief,
that the nectar like touch of his departed beloved is there
now everywhere in Nature. He says that in this uncertain
and fickle life reminiscence alone is certain, and this re-
miniscence is vouchsafed protection by Nature only.

Raghunath Chaudhari is (1879- ) known as the bird-poet
of Assam. His very first collection of poems, S adari (The Darling) ,
shows a preference on the part of the poet for birds, flowers
and gardens. ITiis was followed by two long poems published
separately viz., Keteki (The Indian Nightingale) and Dahi-
katard (The Wag-tail). In these two poems, the bird-theme,
firmly established in the mind of the poet, is projected with
admirable skill and penetrating vision. In S adari poems like
Bahdgir Biyd (Marriage of May), Govdn heebdrmor Priya Bihan-
gini (Wilt thou sing but once, thou darling Bird?), and Keteki
Cardi give vivid and charming pictures of bird-life and the
plant world. He finds sermons in stones and books in the
running brooks. His nature poems fall into two categories —
those that give objective descriptions of Nature and her
objects, and those in which Nature is an ornamental filigree
for the human fabric. In the former, Nature luxuriates in
her abundance and ecstasy, while in the latter she generates
enthusiasm in man. His Bahdgir Biyd is a recreation of Nature’s

POETRY

119

own festival. The bride, Bahagi (May), daughter Spring,
is to be given in marriage. On this auspicious occasion,
plants and shrubs and trees have put forth*new folij^e and
blossoms, while birds and insects are piping ani dancing
in overwhelming joy. Tlfe poet exploits this scheme to des-
cribe the ^beauties of Nature that have appealed to him.
The central idea df his Keteki is the renaissance of Nature
with the return of the bird to earth. The song of the Keteki
is some “unbodied joy”, a delightful symphony of perfection
incomprehensible to man. The poem begins in this attitude
of wonder and my stery, and is sustained through five sections.
\fter the wonder of the first section is o\er, the poet tries
to grasp the inner truth pf the bird’s song. Through intuition
the poet realises that in this world of cares and miseries,
wherever there is any joy', that joy is nothing but an echo and
effect of the bird’s song. The second section contains many
charming pictures of the love and joy that tjje bird’s song
generates in the world of nature and man. These pictures,
by their fidelity to Assames life and nature, easily i.aptivate
the mind.

Hearing thy voice, the bashful bride
Stops weaving at her loom.

And forgets to shuttle
Listening dumb-founded.

That self-same note
Intoxicates the maiden.

Thrilling and filling her with joy ,

Her spinning wheel comes ( i a stand-still.

And the thread-ball drops down to the spindle.

In the third section the poet imaginatively visualises the
flood of delight that the bird’s song let loose in the legendary
and mythical world of man. Sakuntala in Kanva’s hermitj^e.
Princess Damayanti of Vidarbha and Lshadevi of Sonitpur,
the newly-wedded Yaksha of Alaka, and the Gopinis (milk-
maids) of Gokula — all became engrossed in and overwhelmed
with love by the bird-song. In the fourth section the poet
finds that the bird’s music has charmed not only people of the
past jior only objects at all times, but has thrilled the life-
stream ru nn ing tirelessly around, above, below, and flowing

120 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

through^ everything. The bird’s music it is that calls forth
rumbles of clouds and sparks of lightning, the dance of milk-
maids, and the ftbb and tide of the river Yamuna. In the
fifth section the structure raised by the poet’s imagination
topples down, the bird disappears^ and the poet is again
aware of sordid realities. The poem runs a full cycle re-
turning finally to the bosom of Nature whence it first emanated.
Campbell and others rightly observe that such ‘cyclic poems’,
taxing the poet’s highest technical skill, are very difficult to
compose. The Dahikataid^ composed in 1910, is a love lyric,
singularly free from any sensuous taint. The poet imagines
this bird as his beloved throughout the poem. It should be
remembered that the poet is a life-lopg celibate. That Nature
becomes endowed with beauty when the beloved comes in
is, of course, an old jioetic comention. Our poet adopts the
same convention, but here a bird replaces the beloved of
other poets. Besides, the bird biings to the poet’s fancy a
memory cjf the jiast, which, like a flower now ]>ast its spring-
tide of beavty, has become faded and withered.

Raghunath Chaudhari was largely influenced by Sanskrit
literature. He has not onl> made the traditional use of nature
for comparison and contrast but has also adopted numerous
Sanskrit fables, anecdotes, allc'gories, c]>isodes, similes and
image. Of the Sanskiit works, again, those of Kalidasa cast
a remarkable spell over him.

Ambikagiri Rov chaudhari (1885- ;has been a life-long figh-
ter for national liberation and social rcgeneiation. A sincere
patriot, progressive reformer and indefatigable worker, Ambika-
giri is also a noted music ian, brilliant orator and powerful wri-
ter. Love of his country is a strong undcr(?urrent m his poetry,
blending effectively with his urge for national awakening
and social reform. He has often given himself out as a rebel
and a revolutionary. He was incarcerated for taking part
in the national liberation movement. He wanted not merely
to liberate the country from foreign yoke, but al^ to liquidate
the caste-system, inequality, envy, hatred, jealousy, vanity,
meanness and selfishness that poisoned the roots of society.
That was his mission in life. In his poem, Mai Viplavt Mai
Tandavi ( I am a rebel, 1 am an iconoclast ), the poet unfurls
his banner of revolt and charges hollowness anci hypocrisy.

POETRY

121

In the collection Ambhuti (Feelings), there arc a ilumber
of poems calling upon* people to cast off sloth and Wake up
from their deep stupor. His latter-day poem! are influenced
by realism and wage a relentless crusade against the iftimcrous
social evils that came in ftie wake of World War* II. ^hcy
are permeated with robust patriotism and a strong note of
rebellion. * •

The poem, Jiban Kihak Kai (What Life should Mean),
gives a succinct statement of his life-philosophy. The mediaeval
poets believed that the ‘summum tonum’ of lile was enjoy-
ment and rest, because life was regarded as a short span of
wakefulness between two endless states of oblivion. At best
they advocated an idle pursuit of the arts. But Ro) ( haudhari’s
life and gospel are one of stress and storm. Life fulfils itself
in a ceaseless stream of untiring activities for the
good. According to him

The lust for power and jielf
Has sw'allowed up man’s humanit\ ;

'Ihc soul’s hunger has been tram]dcd
'Jlic sex impulse has been exalted,

"I'ill il has maddened men;

1 he sense of dui) has been drowned
In the clamour for rights.

I shall come there to stir up mutiny
And shatter these evils to iiieces.

In the most perfect and fiuitlul life,

'1 here is the fiercest friction
With pain, sorrow and tyrann ;

And fire breaks out over

The phosphorcsccfice of universal cataclysm

— Mad, colossal and time-conquering —

Reducing to ashes

The free emotions of creation —

The errors and blunders —

The rotten ijPtsam of things—

Giving birth to a new heaven and earth,

A new rhythm of indefatigable industry,

Over the debris of sloth and disintegration.

His poetry written prior to his incarceration, however,,
was neither political nor fiery. Politics entered into his writings

122 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

after 1^20-21 when the Non-co-operation movement started
and he was sen^to gaol. Tumi (Thou, *1915) is a profoundly
philosophical poem of remarkable charm and carftsmanship,
and ^nsnrines the poet’s highest spiritual beliefs. In it the
poet sees the image of the universe. It is in seven sections.
The first three abound in Ucscriptions of God wljo pervades
everything. Go'd is inherent in the beauty of the girl, the
affection of the mother, the love of the spouse, and the beauty
of Nature. The fourth sectipn estaWishes that this all-pervading
God is the essence of all religious creeds. The remaining
sections arc devoted to determining the poet’s relationship
with God, and describing the bliss and profound contentment
that has come over him as a resuk of this realisation of the
universal God. Tumi is a noble performance alike for its
ideas and for its imagery and music. Every'' quatrain is rich
in suggestion, bright imagery and appealing melody.

Jatindranath Duara (1892- ) is a l^ric poet. Banikanta
Kakati held that among the poets who had dealt with the com-
plex ideas of the twentieth century in effective Assamese, Jatin-
dranath Duara was the greatest. Duara is a subjec tive poet who,
in modern times, sang about his own soul earlier than others
of Assam. The poet is concerned solely with himself, and
tosses about ideas afld toys with them as his shifting emotions
and moods direct him. He himself is the minstrel and the
listener rolled into one,

Duara is essentially a love poet, a devotee of Beauty, who
‘dreams of love, and writes of the same stuff’. To him, love
and beauty are but the indivisible colour and fragrance of
the same flower. Where love is, there is divine beauty. He
has vainly sought for this love in the haunts of men. Unalloyed
love is difficult to find in human society. There love is attended
with pain, suffering, separation, grief, neglect, calumny,
oppression, and despair, and thus it presents the spectacle
of a rainbow. In a like fashion Duara’s poetry is rich in
variety. There are desire for union, regret' at repulse, the
•despair of the unblest, the sigh of unrequited love, and the
pang of separation in his poems. Unable to obtain untainted
beauty and unalloyed love in the world, the poet, ever hungry
for love and beauty, seeks and finds them in the objects of
Nature with which he wants to establish intimate relation-

POETRY

123

ship. The all-pervading beauty of the universe ravishes
the poet’s heart and* evokes in him manif^d pleasant res-
ponses. The sweet ditties of birds, the humming: of bees,
the comeliness of flowery the purple glow of sumise and
sunset, the flash of lightning, the murmuring of brooks, the
moon-lit islets of th^ Brahmaputra shining silvery, the majes-
tic movement of summer clouds — all these rsBse in the mind
of the poet super-sensuous feelings.

If we examine all the wealth diversity in romanticism,
two common qualities appear in bold relief. They are the
love of adventure and the passionate pursuit of Beauty. The
former manifests itself in the poet’s hunger for an ideal land-
scape. Both these qualitios irradiate Duara’s poetry. A cease-
less quest for sublime beauty and an endless incessant voyage
towards and beyond the land of the sun-set — Ei bate Ndhiba
Dunai (Do not tread this Road again) — these are the chief
philosophic burdens of Duara’s poetry. With-- the help of
three symbols— the river, the boat and the helmsman — the
poet gives a religious intei pretation of life. This invites
comparison with the Buddhist concept of the universal flux
of things. The storm and the stress, the clouds and the des-
pair, the trials and tribulations have failed to bear down
the poet. Undaunted, he pursues his loVc to the ends of the
earth and embarks on a ceaseless journey in search of golden
land. His poetry is a record of this twofold quest.

Duara wais attracted specially by English literature which
has exerted wholesome influence over his mellifluous poetry,
particularly^ in the matter of music, smoothness and fluency.
Duara’s metrical skill is unusutl. Verse comes naturally to
him, and his sense of form never fails him. In fact his lyrics
have served in Assamese as models of that species of poetry
for the last half century. His Apon Sur (My Own Songs)
and Banaphul (Wild Flowers) contain lines which, albeit
exquisitely a^ropriate, are actually echoes from English
poets like Shelley, Tennyson and others.

Duara has also brought out a matchless version of the
Rubayats of Omar Khayyam in Assamese. Another novel
work from his extraordinarily focile pen is the Kathd~Kavita,
whiclf he claims to be poetry but is written in impassioned
prose. This book has resemblance with Turgenev’s Poems

124 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

in Prolb. The ‘poems’ are written in poetic idiom (firmly
grounded in tl^ naked thews and siAews of the -Assamese
language), and have remarkable suggestiveness. As in some
of his, poems, here too sorrow and pdness are dominant, and
the pieces 'are very characteristic of the poet.

Like Chandrakumar Agarwala, Ratnakanta, Barkakati
(1897- ) is also'a remarkable poet; but the beauty of his poetry
chiefly resides in earthly love between men and women. Most of
the poems of his $evdli centre roynd anacreontic love. His
lady-love has, inch by inch, appropriated to herself all the
beauty of the world, and has thus become peerless like Tilot-
tvama.

The poems of the Sevdli give, in addition to the description
of the body beautiful of the lady'-love, a passionate expression
to the doubts and fears, pangs and sorrows, separation and
despair, that earthly love involves*. 7’hese sentiments of
earthly love are composed of words “as subtle, as complex, as
full of mysterious life as the body of a flower or of a woman”.

A few p6ems of this collection are devoted also to the poet
and his relationship with poetry. Poc-ts aie extremely sensitive
creatures who arc endowed with supreme awareness enabling
them to see the significance of happenings where (in conse-
quence of the film of familiarity and selfish solicitude) the
common people find none. They are emotionally more res-
ponsive and react deeply to happenings in life and Nature by
showing beauty in unlikely places, the jewel in the boar’s
snout, the flower on the dunghill. So great is their emotional
tension that they see cosmic sublimities and cannot help
bringing them within hail of common life.

In his poem Sakiyani (Appeal), the poet turns to the
pedestrian rabble and asks :

To me, this Nature, ever appeals.

Does she not give you any tidings ?

Does not the Bakul flower stir you?

The wild flower, and the Kokil bird ?

Do they bore you ?

Barkakati’s poems deal also with the complex facts of life
and existence, harmony and discord and experiences ofbeing.
In the poem, Kijani Nahai Bhul (Fallibility is but a Guarantee),

POE-ntY

125

the poet believes that man’s fallibility is but a guars|itee of
his superiority and a pledge of his salvation. Inferiorilife has
no freedom of action. It goes wheresoever Nature leads it.
Man’s freedom is not so restricted by Nature.

Hence it is that man errs

And commits countless mistalces at every step.

The whole poem is a tribute to the creative powers of man,
for whose imperfections the poet has the most generous sym-
pathies.

Apart from the philosophic content of his works, Barkakati
stands unrivalled for his artistry. The haunting melody, the
resonant rhythm and the spontaneity of his utterance make
him the most musical of our poets. In his poetic technique
Barkakati was c onsidcraldy influenced by Rabindranath
Tagore. ^

Nalinibala De\i (1899- ) is a notable modern Assamese
poetess. She became a widow rather early in life. I'his cast a
deep gloom over her life, but she weathered the crisis in the
characteristic way of enlightened Indian womanhood. In her
search for consolation and light she enquires into Indian philo-
sophy, more particularly the Gita, the Upanisads and the litera-
ture of the Assamese VaisMvite saints, and these studies foster
in her a serene meditathe mood and deep faith and hope in
God. She is also attracted by' the poetry and philosophy of
Rabindranath Tagore whose influence can be detected in
her thought and diction. A mystic poetess, Nalinibala Devi
has an undefined restlessness — a craving for something which
eludes definition and specification. This same caitral theme
informs all her throe poetical collections — Sandhiyir Sur
(The Music of Sunset), Saponar Sur (The Music of Dream-
land) and Parahnani (The Philosopher’s Stone). Running
through all her poems there is the deep feeling of a heart
lac^ated by the sorrows and sufferings of life, and a marked
characteristic ofimany of her poems is a purity of soul achieved
through suffering. There is also an over-powering desire
for union — the union of the individual soul with the universal
and supreme soul. This latter is conceived sometimes as her
belove^ and sometimes as the Infinite and the Beautiful.
She feels a touch of this eternal Beauty in all the objects of

126

history of ASSAMESE UTERATURE

Naturt, whose pied beauties are collectively the beauty of
their n^aker. The seasons and the ever-changing loveliness
of external Naature are but manifestations of that universal
spirit, biitween whom and the poet Nature herself acts as the
point of contact and the medium uxiion. The l ightni ng, the
Keteki’s lenitive song, th^ gentle zephyr of the dawn, the
profound silence of the night, the smell of the wild jasmine, —
all these give her intimations of the Supreme Deity, and
not only serve as offerings to Him but also deeply humanise
her. These help her in explaining the' supreme truth, and
add to the beauty of her poetry.

Writing about Saponar Sur, Shri Krishna Kanta Handiqui
has observed that these poems are not pessimistic but actual)'
disclose a deep faith m man's infinfte future and the immortal
nature of the spirit of man.

Param-Trsrid (The Supreme Thirst) is a single long poem
of Nalmibala Devi, in which there is an explicit statement
of some of her philosophic beliefs. She believes that the soul
of man, ^specially that of a poet, has an eternal thirst which
does not let him rest, although he may be suriounded by
infinite riches and beauty, and that the journey of life is not
a new thing. Like God, His creations, including human life,
are also endless. That same eternal nature of the stream of
life has made it inevitable that man’s relationship with
Nature should be as old as creation. The same spark illumines
both Nature and Man. Hence it is that fragrance and buds,
breeze and brooks, hold out so much meaning for man.
Param-Tfsi^d is, however, not a bundle of wilfully esoteric
or uncritically glorified philosophy. It abounds in vignettes
of nature, which are not a mean source of the pleasure of the
poem.

Nalinibala Devi’s father, the late Nabinchandra Bardoloi,
was a front-line leader of the Indian Freedom Movement.
She has written a fine biography of her father. As was to be
expected, she imbibed her father’s patriotism and wrote some
patriotic poems in which her love of the fatherland and its
glorious past is expressed with an intense and insistent passion.
The beauty that was Bharat is disclosed side by side with the
beauty that Assam was. Bharat (Indiana), Rabindra Tarpan
(Homage to Rabindra), MohSmdar Atma-k^nC (Auto-

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127

biography of the great river Brahmaputra) are soinp such
patriotic poems. Janmabh&mi (The Land of Birth) is ^match-
less expression of the poetess’s intense and overflowing love
for her motherland. She wants to be allowed to sejrve, even
after her own death, the land of her birth which is admittedly
superior even to heaven. ,

A word Itnust be said regarding her technique. The roll,
the rise, the carol and the evocation of her poetry are exqui-
sitely musicaL She has copiously drawn on the rich treasure-
house of Sanskrit, and her simileS, imagery and vocabulary
are enriched by the sublimity of that literature.

Dharmeswari Devi Baruani (1892- ) is another venerable
figure in Assamese poetry She is a life-long invalid. About
this, she has written in a memoir : “Rheumatism attacked me
in the prime of my life. My dear husband and other kith and
kin gave me all possible; medical aid, but to no purpose. The
ailment refused to be controlled. Gradually I,^began to be
confined to bed, and that became my life-long place of rest.
Ever-continuing treatment and never-declining disease began
to torment my mind which my beloved husband tried to
c onsole by speaking words of encouragement. ‘Don’t brood
over your disease and languish; better write down your
thoughts in verse.’ I cherished his advice and began to put
down my thoughts on paper recording them as faithfully as
I could . . . . ”

Dharmeswari Devi Bacuani has two published collections
of poems — Pkular Satai (The Basket of Flowers) and Prdi^ar
Paraf (The Soul’s Touch). Both are expressions of a pro-
found pantheism and the desire of the individual soul to get
merged in the univc^'sal soul. The poetess does not believe
that God resides in heaven, which to her is a figment of man’s
imagination. He is present in all things, both grciat and small.
We behold Him around us :

Art thou die sweet azure sky.

The moon, the sun and the little star?

Art thou the play of lightning between clouds
In the lap of space?

Art thou the enchanting hope that
Dwells in the bosom of men?

128

HISTORY OF ASSAMESB LITERATURE

A|;t thou the bright glow
Ol(.the beloved’s sweet enjoyment?

The divine spirit and motion she finds everywhere and in
all the objects of the world, and it if these which endow every-
thing with peerless beauty ^nd inexhaustible meaning.

Though an i];ivalid, and widowed early^in life, Dharmeswari
has none of the melancholy of Nalinibala Devi. With
robust optimism she awaits the day of supreme union.
Hence her poetry, issuing from a heart truly deep and
passionate, is the sweet reflection of silent womanly self-
surrender, lovc-lom tenderness and sincere devotion, un-
diimned by the clouds of adulation or controversy. Although
her subjects are limited in range to‘'the most common themes
like God, nature and the human heart, she possesses the
sensitiveness and insight to endow them with fresh beauty
and lovely diction. There is in her poems a deep sympathy
and reverence for life and worldly things.

The lat;e Banikanta Kakati aptly remarked that Nilamani
Phukan (1880- ) is the only modem Assamese poet of lofty
spiritual aspirations. Remarkable is the fact that Phukan pub-
lished his collections of poems, Jyotika^ (A Spark of Light),
Manast (Intellectual Beauty), Sandhdni (The Seeker), and
Xiutmali (‘The Jasmine’), in his sixties and seventies. If poetry
is to be regarded as application of ideas to life, undoubtedly
Phukan’s poetry is unique. But unfortunately ideas, when they
predominate m poetry, become an obsession, and in such
cases the poetic flame is not steady but adventitious, though
intensely incandescent at times. Mdnan reveals the poet’s
thirst for beauty and his Sandhdni is, jn similar manner, a
quest for truth and beauty. The collection Gufimdli contains
homely sketches of the life of poor, ordinary men and is lit
with human love and feeling for nature.

The poet was gaoled in 1942 for taking part in the August
revolution, and his prison experiences have been incorporated
in his Jinjiti (The Shackles). He wrote, “In search of God,
1 entered the temple of liberty. What I saw, heard and felt
there had to be put down in writing to gratify my strong
desire. I add introspection to them, and offer them as sugges-
tive poems.’’ Almost all the poems of Jihjiri are optimistic

POKTEY

129

in tone* aad bdbind tbe poems, diere is a powretful and hsaiiSay
mind t^t is not deterxed by the struggle or the storm. At^^ged,
bare and cryptic, rather prose-looking in caress, resembling
die rattling a milk-cart, his lines have beneath tlA surface
a deep philosophic core.

Nilamani Phukan’s prose is as passionate as his poetry.
It lacks hoWver amdytical acumen and restrained or discip-
lined imagination. He cultivated the rhetorical, ornate and
sonorous prose style,. His SSiatya-KalA is a book of original
essays on diverse aspects of literatiire.

Sailadhar Rajkhowa’s Nijara (The Brook) is a collection
of poems composed at different times and on a variety of
themes. He did not di.<}cover anything “far more deeply
interfused” in nature nor did he propound any philosophy
about her. He is enchanted with the objective beauties of
Nature. He had the ^nost profound regard for places of
historical interest. He wove historical myths around those
places, thereby enhancing the general effectiveness of the
nature descriptions. His Fasaii Pratima (Image >Df Stone)
is a remarkable achievement of this type. TTie poem has the
historical background of the invasion of Assam by the Burmese.
Two Ahom generals, who bravely fought and laid down their
lives, had by their inspiring heroism and valour attracted
two damsels — Phulara and Chatala by name. The damsels
accompanied their beloved heroes to the battlefield and Joined
the ranks. On the death of the two generals, Phulara and
Chatali, now about to fall into the hands of the enemy, were
metamorphosed of their own free will into stone images.
Sailadhar’s love lyrics are delicate md touching, depicting the
longing and the sadness of the human heart.

Lakshminath Phukan has been a dilettante and a life-long
journalist, associated with several English newspapers. For
the last ten years he has been editor of the Assam Tribune^
the English daily of Assam, and in this capacity he has
shown great ability. An editor of a daily newspaper has not
much leisure. Yet, Lakshminath Phukan found time for
literary activity. Most of his poems were written in his youth
and hence they largely deal with love, but his love has nothing
sensuousaboutit. He is attracted by beauty and is enthralled by
it. His beloved is no earthly creature, but an unbodied being.
9

ISO laXSTOKY OP ASSAMESE UTBEATUltE

A rdhtless desire for beauty is the key-note of all his poems.
In Marai^-Beltka (At the Time of Death) the poet says that
he is not confroWed by £a.te and that even death is an oppor-
tunity f()r contacting the beautiful. He has none of the usual
fears for death and desires none td disturb his mind even for
a moment.

Dimbeswar Neog’s (1900- ) poems broadly divide them-
selves into two categories — youthful effusions and patriotic
poems. The collection Indra-Dham (The Rainbow) contains
love-poems of consideral^le strength, bearing on different
aspects of that primal passion. This side of Assamese romantic
poetry is best illustrated in his poems. The Non-co-operation
movement, started under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi
in the early twenties of the present century, had launched in
the land a powerful patriotic movement and young poets
were caught in it. Neog dived deep .mto the vanished glories
of Assam and found much in them to inspire him. The poem
Buranji Lekhak (Ihe Writer of History) is notable in this
group arid is charged with emotion. The Ssparmkta (Freed
from Curse) is a poem in which love of the beloved has
coalesced with love of the mother country. The poems
of the collection Thapana (The Flower-stand) are
meant for children. Neog’s poems display varied metrical
skiU.

Binandachandra Barua (1906- ) had a sonorous style
which he employed in writing a scries of powerful, patriotic
verses much in the line of the Bengali revolutionary poet,
Nazrul Islam. Most of the poems of the two collections, the
Sankhadhvani (Clarion Call) and Pratidhvani (The Echo), deal
with the glorious past of Assam as contrasted with her preca-
rious present. The poet, however, does not yield to despair.
If he rakes up the ashes of the past, it is only to find sparks
of courage, inspiration, and light for the presort and the
future. He remembers the noble sons and daughters of the
past, and invites the rising generation to emulate their exam-
ples, break the shackles of foreign rule and misery, and rear
up a prosperous Assam, advanced in all spheres of life. Lan-
guage, culture, literature, industry — everything has to be
revitalised. His youthful, iconoclastic and optimistic poetry
rings into the maddening clarion call —

POETRY

131

Rise! you fledglings of power
O my young countrymen
Awake from your sleep.

Let steaming blood race through your veins.

Dazzle the world, yomheroes of action and strength!
None is big, none small.

All heroes are equal.

Remove obstacles;

Drive them away like the tempest.

Shake up the earth like the thynder-bolt.

And as the rays of the sun.

To this task, march forward.

And ever forward.

Binanda Barua concerns himsell chiefly with Assam, and
of that again, the glorious period of Ahom rule. In such poems
as Rongatnuva (The Red-faced), Rongpur, Gargaon, Brahma-
putra, Stnaian (The Cremation Ground), gainst a dramatic
background and in dramatic monologue, the poems describe
historical places and personages in an inspired m^ner and
a fluent style.

He has also adapted a few English anecdotes and episodes
in Assamese. One such adaptation is the Agiathutir Bit (The
Hero of Agiathuti) which reminds one of the English poem,
The Incident of the French Camp. Inspiring patriotism, scmorous
rhythm, racy phrase and homely imagery make his poems
happy reading.

Devakanta Barua (1914- ) shot like a meteor in the
firmament of Assamese literature and, by the innovations he
wrought, created quite a stir. In subject-matter, attitude,
technique and ideas he carved out a new path for himself
which is indicated in his poem Ami DuvarMukali Karon (We open
the doors). He does not appear to have been much indebted
to any single predecessor in style. His youthful collection,
Sdgar Dekhicha (Hast Thou seen the Ocean?) contains poems
of great intelle^ual variety.

His love poems, however, have none of the traditional
content of describing the physical charms of the beloved or
passionate attachment to her. They are hy*mns to intellectual
beauty, and delineate the reactions in the mind to reciprocation
as weU as rgection. Each poem raises a differmt psychologi*

HISTORY OF ASSAKSa UTBRA'nntR

132

cal question. What appears to be fiuluie ia love to others,
kind to the poet. He<finds success and crai-
othm see only frustration and despair.
Nou'fulftment brings a new pulsation of lifr. Even as pity for
the l^ed' curlew distilled itself idto marvellous verses from
the lips of Valmiki, so the tender touch of some maiden’s
love caused th€ young poet to sing out *in rhyme'. Says the
poet in his Premar Uttar (Love’s Reply) —

Darling! the silent gift of bountiful love,

Which thy soft heart offered me.

Has only this return
— These my meaningless rhymes.

f

His beautiful beloved awakened his feelings, intensified
them, and suddenly disappeared. This cruel desertion does
not make him angry or reproachful.r His mind is unsullied
by dark clouds. His association with the beloved, very transient
though it was, gives him perpetual joy and satisfaction. What
is life but'^ constant shifring of brief scenes? Momentariness
seems to be the law of life. The loveliness of the flower and the
sunny youth of man are all short-lived. With ardour and
enthusiasm is the Goddess Durga invoked on the sixth day
of the new moon in October, but on the tenth day, do not
all hilarity and boisterous mirth come to an end with the
immersion of the idol into the waters? Hence the poet does
not set much store by victory, achievement and acquisition.
His joy is in the endeavour. One beautiful beloved may
desert him; but there are a thousand others as charming.
Failure in individual love leads him to seek universal love.
In his poem, Deva-Dasi (Temple Maid), the poet discovers
in the dancing girl of the temple a specimen of exploited and
trampled humanity. He wants to liberate the maid from the
tyranny of her cruel god, so that her love can be bestowed on
all men. Similar ideas prevail in the poems, Sagar Dekhicka
(Hast Thou seen the Ocean?), Ranga EH Kardbvr Phxd (A Red
Oleander), and Kalang Parat (By the River Kalong).

Devakanta has cast his poems into the mould of the dramatic
monologues, such as was practised by Robert Browning.
They cannot be regarded as dramas by any stretek <ff die
imaguiation. There is neither dramafic conffict of character

is nothing of th^
tentment where

fovsKir

133

or ideas, n«r clash of wit, nor diaU^e, nor indeed anything
else pertaining to the traditional drama except that 8«me one
is speaking all dirough to an imaginary sectmd person. The
very title Sagtr Dtkhieha (Hast Thou seen the ^cean?)
signifies this. All the conflict that it portrays is iif the hiind
of the protagonist, and in the verses the protagonist speaks
through th{ poet in sf rare intimate tone.

Devakanta Barua has the credit of having introduced this
art'form into Assamcige for the first time. If his poetic thought
was influenced by D. H. Lawrencd| his poetic diction was no
less influenced by the art of Rossetti and Swinburne.

Another well-known poet of love and beauty was Ganesh-
chandra Gogoi (1910-38)^ Life is rich, according to him,
because of love and beauty. ‘The world around love is the
lasting world of beatitude’, he says in his poem, SvapnabhaAga
(Shattered Dream). He wanted to dedicate his life to the
realisation of beauty, for which he had enough love and
ardour.

The Papdi (Petals) is an autobiographical lovs^poem of
Ganesh Gogoi. The girl who inspired the poet in his youth
and in whose beauty ‘he bathed and learnt to find new beauty
in this world*, forsook him heartlessly. Life often involves
an entaglement with some ‘belle dame sans merci’ who looms
larger than life; her imkindness makes the loving poet write
in agony.

Ganesh Gogoi died young a little beyond his teens. Hence
his output was rather small in quantity', but the greatness of
the little that he wrote demonstrates the immensity of loss his
death occasioned. By their sincerity, emotional depth and
effective diction his poems of love and separation have endeared
him to a widening coterie of young admirers.

Dandinath Kalita (1890*1950) is a comic poet, and his collec-
tions — Ragad (Fun), Rahaghard (House of Jest), and BahurSpi
(The Maskea*) — contain poems which arc jusdy renowned for
their sparkling wit, boisterous humour and penetrating satire.
A consummate skill in the selection of words and arrangement
of matter makes his verses enjoyable. He holds up to ridicule
contemporary superstitions and foibles which were growing
apace like ill weeds, without makii^ any personal attack on
or flinging mud at any individual, group, or community. Some

134

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UTERATURE

of the^oems are like poniard-thrusts at old superstitions and
prejud\pes. • ,

One revolutilmary Assamese poet of the class of the Bei^ali
poet Nizrul Islam is Prasannalal Ghoudhury, who is an
iconbclast, out to erect the edifice •of a brave new world upon
the ashes of the old. He is the king of the destitute and cele-
brates his accession by urging them to rally to h^s standard.
Passionate and powerful, his poetry glorifies patriotism and
incites the people to rebel and re-build so that the spirit of
man may function frcelyl His collection, Agnimantra (Fire-
Chant), bears a significant title expressive of the idealism
of the poet. The fire that burns and sanctifies is symbolic
of the poet’s urge to purge off all ^the accumulated dross and
filth of the centuries, and the poet is a rebel against everything
that is ugly and sordid.

Prasannalal’s desire for freedom is^ not confined within the
frontiers of India but concerns all colonial peoples. In several
poems of his Agnimantia, the jioet Sjieaks of the sufferings of
the working class everywhere sweating in travail and urges
them to unite, rebel and establish new values. The poem,
Nangalai Git (Song of the Plough) speaks of the wide sym-
pathy which the poet felt for the riff-raff of the streets in
general and the tillers of the soil in particular.

Humanistic ideas dominate the poems of Ananda Barua
(1908- ) inihidjeA iaPapadi z.n6. Ranjam Raimi. Ananda Barua
feels that life is an adventure of the soul in realm of beauty.
Barua has translated some poems of Hafiz and so his humanism
has been a blend of aesthetic emotion with sufi theory.

While writing about verse, mention must also be made of
songs which have exercised tremendous unbounded influence in
Assamese literature— ancient and modern. They are the
Bihunams and Biyandms — lyrical ballads of spring and marriage
which are sung even today and which have loft their indelible
stamp both on the tune and phraseology even of modem com-
positions. The ‘ballad time’ occupies a distinct place in
Assamese song and dance. In the middle ages, the Vai^ttsivite
and iSakta reformers composed songs for the propagation of
their faith and some of these songs, known as Bargits are

POBTRY

135

peerless and paramount improvisations alike for their navity
and high moral tone as for thdr craftsmanship and indody.
They hold the religious field even today. These Batpts have
been imitated and songs patterned after them jpegan to
emerge even in the early y*ars of the present century.

In the present century, Lakshipiram Barua is the pioneer
song-rompeser. His collection of songs, the, Sangit-kof was
published in 1911. Though religious in tone, these songs differ
widely from the older BargiU in phraseology, tune and subject
matter. His songs bAray some indabtedness to the Gitahjali of
Rabindranath Tagore.

Padmadhar Chaliha is another song-composer. The song
and poems contained in his Pkulani (Garden, 1915), GU-
Lahari (Symphony, 1921/, and Sardi (Vase of Verse, 1928)
were at one time very popular. They were mainly devotional,
patriotic, amatory or didactic.

Kamalananda Bhattacharya was himself a good singer and
actor. The songs contained in his collection, tfie Bauli (The
DisheveUed) display a penetrating intellect, the T^our of a
genius newly awakened to a more intense life and honeyed and
lingering melody. He recounts with regret the vanished
glories of Assam. He is a panegyrist of her bountiful beauty.
His voice is occasionally lifted in praise of God, and he sings
with the subdued glow of a lyricism that is vague and mystical
of his separation from the divine lover and the soul’s craving
for reunion. His last songs chronicle his experiences of the
prison cell whereto his love of his motherland and independence
took him. Kamalananda’s first lines were magnificent:

The lotus-petals glitter in the lake,

And water sparkles on the lotus leaf...

« * «

O Mother dear, I love thee profoundly...

* * *

Again and again I bow down to thee, O Assam,

The lan<f of my birth,

Though art sacred over everything...

* « *

In melody, felicitous expression and captivating imageries,
KamsAananda had few rivals. In his poetry, the measure and

136

aiSTOliy OF ASSAMBSB UTERATOXX

the idea, created in one and die same act, move with equal
freedonL force and felidty are consequratly very forceful and
striking in theii happy synthesis; here form comes as the
natural dress with which ideas are spontaneously invested.

Umeshchandra Ghaudhury ha» l^t behind over three
hundred songs and poems pn a variety of topics and some of
these have beeQ. published in the three eollectionS, the iVaft-
dhvant (Echo), the Devadhvani (Divine Music) and the MandS-
kini (the Divine River).

Most of the religious and spiritual son^ have a tone of non-
attachment, self-abnegation, and remmciation, and the quest of
the Ultimate. The Mandakmi is a collection of graceful love
poems — love of the earthly-kind. Umeshchandra is now
known more for his patriotic songs, some of them by the clarity
of thought, the direct energy of the expression and smooth
movement are chiselled for immortality:

Ever loveable is my mother tongue...

« * «

Oh mother, Assam! thou art peerless...

* • •

Work the oar, and ply the boat...

A thousand times are you welcome.

O you assembled devotees!

You enlightened devotees, in service.

Of the motherland...

Umeshchandra ’s songs have the true magic touch. The
flowing music, the poetic imageries, and the chastened emotions
make them the very best in modem Assamese poetry. Umesh-
chandra Ghaudhury was a reputed poet too. The poem,
‘Mantra-Sadhana’ (Resolution Made) contained in his collec-
tion the Amrta~mantkana (Ghuraing for the Nectar) is in-
formed with vinle patriotism and wide and ample human
sympathy. The poet wants to establish a new order based on
equality and justice.

We are the new generation.

We bring new enthusiasm.

And march forward to establ^h

Equality, Liberty and Fraternity.

We embrace the high and the low,

The depressed, the poor, the alien;

POBTllY

137

We untie all unholy knots.

And cut the roots of diplomacy.

Another poem the ‘Kabir Kareng’ (Poet’s Palace) contained
in the collection Trweffi j|Thc three streams) de^ribes how
the palace of art in which the poet led a cloistered life away
from the t<^rs and toil of real life, crumbles lik^ a pack of car<b
and the reverie is over when he comes in contact with a beggar-
woman — the symbol of down-trodden humanity. The poet’s
extravagant pre-occupation with yt and isolation in an ivory
tower now appears in a different colour. He sees around him:

The worn-out body of the cultivator and his famished

condition;

The bruised limbs ofme labourer;

The ignorant, starving millions
Breaking down under exploitation;

The heart-rending cry of the luifed and the sick.

And the dry lips of ignorant, superstitious and neglected

masses.

Umeshchandra’s poems reveal at times a concentrated force
of virile reflection and a singularly grave pathos animated often
by a philosophic ardour; but they lack polish in their style.

The note of pathos sounding dirge-like through the whole
gamut of moving song, is conspicuous by its absence in the songs
of Ambikagiri Roychaudhuri, in whose hands for the flrst time
grief, lamentation, and regret yield place to robust resolution.
In his poetry we have a new note — of an indomitable will for
self-determination and survival. Replete with eloquence and
verve, these songs are a clarion caU to awake and arise to fulfil
one’s destiny. He v%nts individual independence to shape
one’s destiny according to his free will and to develop to his
fullest stature and he stands for a better world free from
exploitation, injustice and inequality.

The three ideas, viz, independence, love of the fatherland and
a juster social Order — are powerfully vocal in the compositions
of that wizard of the Assamese lyric, Jyotiprasad Agarwalla.
Assam’s natural beauties, her glorious past and rich cultural
heritage have inspired him. like Hanumanta of the Rdm^ifa
who ciossed the channel by virtue of spiritual power, the poet
wants to conjure a powerful spirit from Assam’s past and with

138

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

its help i not only free Assam from foreign yoke, but also to
resuscitafe and ^odemise her politically, socially, and cul-
turally so that a really charming Assam may be bom. And to
this task ne invited in maddening songs the youth of the land.
For their nioving eloquence, exalted ideas, apt imageries, and
delicate melodies, Jyotiprasad’s songs are matchless. ‘The
world conqueridg youth’, ‘It is Time, Oh brother' Assamese,
to get ready’, ‘Mother’s temple is empty’, ‘Why dost thou not
light the lamp?’, ‘We arc young. We defy Death’, ‘On the
River Luit’— poems like tKe'se will echo and re-echo in the
hearts of Assam’s youth for all time.

With the installation of the Shillong-Gauhati centre of All
India Radio, a fresh stream of inspiration for song-composition
has overflowed in Assamese and there has e come to light a good
number of song-books sue h as Mahesh Goswami’s Amaya, Malin
Bora’s Ret^u and Surat Kavita, Bhupen Haaarika’s Jiltkab
Luitdre Pat, Lakshyahira’s Sur Setu and Prathamd, Tafiazul
Ali’s Manddkrdntd, Kamal Choudhury ’s Gltdvali, Suijya Bora’s
Sur-Sandhditi, AUmunnisa Piar’s Sut-Ntjard and Dcben Sarma’s
Salitd. These modem Assamese songs deal not only with the
traditional themes of devotion, love, patriotism and the beauty
of Nature but also with the common man’s struggle to approxi-
mate to the ideal of freedom and equality. The latter theme is
conspicuous particularly in the songs of Bhupendranath
Hazarika who has wrought not only renovations in the form
and content of Assamese songs hut entirely broken away from
the classical style of music and tunes. His songs depicting the
unenviable lot of the ordinary railwav workers ^Jhdt jhdt jhdt
rail cale\ the hard life of the stone-breakers ‘Bhdn^ bhdvg hi
bhdhgotd', the misery and disgrace of''the palaquin-bearers
'He dold he dold bar bar mdnuhar dold\ the misfortune of Rang-
man, the fisherman 'Rangman mdchalai goV, the sufferings
and superstitions of the tea-garden labourers 'Eti kali duti pdt
Ratanpur bdgtcdi', and the like show that Bhupendranath is an
effectual organ-voice of plain humanity. In* addition, the
influence of folk-music and local itinerant singers is writ large
over these songs. Hardly less successful in this respect than
Bhupendranath is the promising poet Keshav Mahanta whose
lyrics are to a considerable extent an articulate language of the
common man’s heart. An excellent case in point is the song

POETRY

139

^Jeud tolai manat par^ (Jcuti, I remember you) which recounts
the feelings of young postal peon living far away from his
dear wife, Jeuti. One word more must be %aid about these
songs — the scoxgs of plain humanity. They aret intensely
touching but not pessimistic. On the contrary, •they* hinge
more or less on a love for life and faith in a good earth. This
love for life and the>carth has found expression in the first song
of the Mandakranta (Mild movement) by Taffazul Ali :

Seven-colour’d. is the rainbow of the sky,

But our earth is fairer still. *

The beauteous Sun’s seven colours
Sport upon the cloudy bosom,

And our life goes amaying in soil’s sunny breast.

And ever green is our heart full of love.

The light uncheck’d ujjon our earth
Is a gift from the sun bountiful,

Who gave the rainbow its seven colours
And gave us life;

Hence on the earth’s bosom
Our life is so lovely.

Distinc t from, but not disconnected with, this love for life on
earth is the remarkable recurring idea of a yearning for the
Sun’s lustre expressed chiefly through magnificent images in the
songs c omposed ])arUc ularly by Keshav Mahanta and Nabakanta
Barua : ‘The glimmering flash of fresh sun-shine’ ; ‘O sun, where
have )Ou got this smile of pure gold?’ ‘All in expectation of
you, my eyes wcic sleepless all the night’; ‘We go in quest of
light’; ‘Cleaving the cloud, let us go to the fair of colours’;
‘O ve sky, give us a little sky’- such images are not merely
present but conspicuous in modern Assamese songs. It is,
therefore, not too much to say that modern Assamese songs
embody, among other things, a longing for the sweetness of the
earth below and a wistful yearning for the light of the sun
above.

NEW POETRY

Poetry is impassioned writing and all writing is a way of
thinking. Obviously, thinking is moulded by the dominant
metap)iysics of the age. Modem western literature is almost
a penumbra around the dynamic ideas of Darwin, Freud,

140

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UTBRATVRE

Jung ai^ Marx, Freud, by emphasising th« vital rdle <£ the
unconscFDUS and e3q)08ing the operatic^i of repression, and
Jung, by emphaifising the primordial images of the collective
imconsci Jos, upheld individual sensibility and made a complete
shift from the naturalistic to the sorrealistic point of view.
Thanks to these psychologists, poetry came to be regarded
as a voice of a disembodied spirit, something akin' to dream
experience. Jung also renew^ our interest in myths which
were no longer considered figments of one’s deliberate inven-
tion but came to be regarded as the residuary of racial wisdom.
Following this interpretation, W. B. Yeats invented myths
to serve the needs of his mind and employed them as symbolic
sign-posts of his emotions.

A considerable body of modem verse is also inspired by the
gospel of Marx. This class of sociological poetry, though
narrow in outlook, opens an ill-tended social parterre, about
to be broken up by some colossal revolution. Assamese poetry
today, particularly the poetry written by budding poets, is
strewn with psychological thought and dialectical materialism.

The two world wars intensified the note of individual
sensibility in modem poetry. One is familiar with the mood
of disillusionment and bewilderment caused by the confusion
and welter of the first world war and how this is reflected in
the writings of Franz Kafka, Thomas Mann, T. S. Eliot and
others. The Eliotean note of disillusionment has also crept
into modem Assamese poetry. There is a historical hiatus
between the young poets writing today in Assamese and tradi-
tion, because they are writing more with contemporary
European literature than with their own tradition in their bones.

Disillusionment bom of scepticism is then the new chord
stmek in Assamese poetry. Modem poets have developed
a sceptical attitude to all that went before — love, beauty,
religion, justice. They have assessed them anew in accordance
with the time-spirit. They have lost the old faith, and a new
faith has not yet come. One poet writes, “God, art thou then
the X of Algebra?”

To this loss of the old faith, psychology and social anthropo-
logy contributed in no small measure. Freud’s theory of libido
suppression has affected not only the texture of poetic diction
but the texture of poetic thought as well. This libido suppres-

tom.Y

141

sion jfinds expression in dreams, which, according ta Freud’
are only symbols of more comprehensive, desire8./To the
modem poet words are similar symbols denoting narts of a
vaster experience. Like the apparendy incoherent dream-
symbols, vocables in poeAy today also appear uHconnected.
There seem to be no logical sequence except, of course, the
emotional sequence.* The presence of one particular symbol
or image, by association, is made to suggest another desired
image. And these images, like dreams, may mean not one
thing but several. This has brouglft in the element of imagina-
tive ambiguity in modem poetry.

Freud’s ‘libido’ and ‘complexes’ show up ‘love’ in a dif-
ferent colour. The poet, has lost faith in the eternal and
beautific nature of ‘love’. The naked warm-blooded woman
has caught his eyes.

Marxist philosophy and egalatarian ideas have influenced
another school of our poets. These poets hav« held up to
ridicule the love, faith, culture, etc. of a decadent society.
In their hope to bring about a brave new world,**they have
sought to make nothing of older, emaciated faiths. Some
poets have altogether despaired of the entire mechanical
civilization, and compared the future to death.

The majority of modem poets are widely read. They have
drawn copiously from the various cultures of the world. This
gave them not only delight but also insight. Hence w'c find
in their poetry wise sayuigs of the East and the West, history,
legend and what not. In their search for meaning, they dive
deep into the literatures of the world. This has made the
language of their poetry a little o' erladen with foreign words,
phrases, and allusioife, rendering it stiff and obscure lor the
average reader. The pre-war poets wrote chiefly about the
beauty of the countryside. Rural life in all its beauty and
happiness, sorrow and poverty figured in their poetry. But
modem poets are town-conscious. Tovras are the nerve-
centres of modbm civilization. Here the middle-class people
live and work and enjoy themselves. Some of the poets have
written about the ugly side of town life — its uncouth life of
sexuality and indiscipline. In their poetry is depicted the
immatwre love of young collegians, which, to the poet, is
as unrealistic as their acting on the stage.

142

HISTORY OF ASSAIltESE UTERATCJRE

The i^tic diction also has undergone revoluticmary changes*
The first' change is the use of prose rythms. The ordinary
speech fc|pn is made to coagulate with the verse form. The
differrace between prose and verse is done away with. Prose
constructidos together with rustic ^words and contemporary
speech-rhythms are utilised Tor poetic use. They believe that
conventional plfrases and epithets, like olcl coins, have passed
out of currency. They have lost the power to evoke emotion
or administer a shock. They can no longer convey modem
sensibilities. They have discarded old epithets and metaphors.
Even when they use one, they attack a new significance to
it. In their search for effective words and phrases, they dive
deep into world literatures. This has made the language of
their poetry a little overladen with foreign words, phrases
and allusions.

The pictures in this modem poetry are not those of static
scenery only. They are sensuous too. By a kind of friction
and interchange of the different sense-feelings, an insight
vouchsafed by psychological insight, a novel sense enjoyment
is achieved. Their ‘moon-light darkness and tears give out
odours’, ‘the sun teases with shrieks’, ‘their sky is soft’,
and ‘their earth is rough like the rough skin of an old man’,
etc. echo, one miglit suppose, from the poetry of Dame
Edith Sitwell or Rilke.

In the first quarter of the twentieth century the chief
influence on Assamese poets was that of the English poetry.
But after the War, the influence of the French, Russian,
German, Japanese and Chinese poetry began to be discernible.
In our new poetry, one notices the adoption of images,
symbols and music such as one meets <yith in the poetry of
Baudelaire, Paul Valery, Stephenne Mallarme and Rainer
Maria Rilke. The new poets attempt even springing rhythm.
They have so much been tinged with these foreign colours
that they appear to belong to an international community.
Their language has arrived at the Esperanto stage. Like im-
pressionist poets, their poetry is full of symbols and images,
sometimes so contrasted that it is difficult to discover their
natural inter-links. Anything of any cxiuntiy or of any time
or culture may come up suddenly and an uneducated reader
can never hope to find the full meaning; and references to

POETRY

143

history and geography arc never without symbolism. This
may be interpreted •from Hemkanta Baruf’s poer/s. The
pyramids, Hiroshima, Nagasaki of Hemkanta’s poetry are
no mere names, they are the grave-yards of civilizations.
They indicate morsd decline. Hemkanta’s references to
the figures^of the epics denote mdSre than meets the eye. The
scion of the family of Santanu, Yrhannalii*, etc., are epic
names for modem eunuchs, people who are found in society
today. The noted Katies (chaste women) Kunti, <§akuntala
and DamayantI, have figured in a new context in his poetry
and they mean things far different from those of the epics.
The old mythological figures assume strange kaleidoscopic
shapes in the inclined misrors of his symbolism. This is well
illustrated in the following lines from his poem : IVe can never Rest :

Let us compose our hearts

With crimson courage. The epic Sita

Lies entombed under our ploughshare.

The gold-spotted deer beacons to us,

And the gold of our body, O Sakuntala,

Beacons to me. I burn into ashes.

There are the white crows in Korea,

And the black paddy too, My love, our harvest
Is full like your youth, and the spindle moves
In your fingers sifting the cotton.

Our sun is asleep in the green-room
Of history, the slogans we raise disturb
The deep silences of the sand-banks of time.

There are the people marching out,

And what are these slogans aoout?

There are a thousand like us,

And the hunger bf ages battles
In our stomachs. Let us come.

And dye once more the waters of
The mighty Brahmaputra with our
Heart-blood. There is the call of life
In it. For«whom? For you. kur me.

And for a million like us.

Gome, sit near me. Let the dead noon
Die in the flames of your eyes.

Eyes sharper than those of a leopard.

Our path quivers with the lights of ages.

And beacons.

144 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UTERATURB

O JakuntalS, the poetry of struggle

Gaymot die^ and we can never rest..

This technique adopted with a cynically satirical vein
has been brought to bear devastatingly upon the hollowness
and hypotiricies lying concealed ih the modem civilization.
The new poets’ wide range of studies of the Esut and the
West, of the anlient and the modem was laid under contribu-
tion and hence quotations and references abound in their
poetry. These quotations may come . from such widely
different sources as European literature, the Upanisads,
Vaisnavite literature, - or the Assamese folk songs. OAen,
the romantic tradition of Assamese poetry is held up to ridi-
cule. But the poets do all this w,ith a more positive aim.
They want to administer to the educated and cultured section
of the readers an emotional shock as do the psychiatrist to the
neurotic patients in order to restore tlieir mental equilibrium.
The poets’ shock consist of paradoxical and astounding
statements of known facts in a kind of telescopic language.
But unfoftunately, very often, these learning-ridden, cryptic
sentences produce very little emotion in the common reader.

Navakanta Barua has also established his reputation as a
promising poet of the age. Navakanta’s three published books
of verse arc He Aranya, He Mahanagar (O Forest, O Metropolis)
EH Duti Egharati Tara (Counting up eleven stars) and Xati.
Navakanta has been influenced more deeply by T. S. Eliot
than by others. Like Eliot he also believes that poetry requires
a language distinct from that of prose, a language rich in
suggestions both to the senses and the intellect. Naturally,
Navakanta’s poetry tends to become difficult. In this respect,
the Assamese poet also holds that poets in our complex civilisa-
tion must be difficult. Our civilisation comprehends great
variety and complexity, and this variety and complexity,
playing on a re&ed sensibility, must produce various and
complex results. The poet must become more and more
comprehensive and more allusive, in order to force language
into his thought. Navakanta’s stay in Calcutta and at Santi-
niketan in connection with his higher education brought
him also imder the influence of Rabindranath, Jivanananda
Das, Amiya Chakravarty and some other modem Bengali
poets. One can catch, here and there, in Navakanta’s poons

POETRY

145

a music akin to that of Tagore, He is an experimenter in
verse-form with a delicate sense of rhythm and sy^^nphony
of words. He has shown admirable skill in handling metres^
rhymed or free or mixed. Like Eliot Navakanta Js aware
of the monotony and dichotomy of the modem age and the
snobbery of the middle class. But^he is never caustic. Accep-
tance of life is the tey-note of his poetry. The poet’s feelings
and realisations have beautified and ennobled the earth
which is no metaphor to him but a warm reality. Even after
departure, the poet will ever seek. to return to the earth {The
Poetry of Return). His love and desire for a fuller and ampler
life under the broad blue sky is. beautifully expressed in his
prayer to the night sky {To the night sky: prayer through the
window.)

Helpless I am, even if mine
Is only the luxury of supplication ;

Hear my prayer, O sky,

Tell me what issue falls like an arrow
From the moon’s amber-crescent?

Give us a little more room, O sky,

For our sky is too, too narrow.

Modem })oetic diction is marked by a great economy of
words. In common with other modem pods Navakanta also
has used a diction where there are semantic disturbances,
words of different le\els, and the juxtaposition of difficult
Sanskrit and English \ocabulary, and dialect woids, producing
contrast images. Phrases, quotations, pictures and symbols
of the European and Indian liteiatures are freely employed
by him to convey a complex sensibility. His symbols are
ambiguous, they do not definitely convey one idea, but a
spectrum of ideas. Their beauty and circumambience vary
in proportion to the cultural and emotional range of the reader.

Sayed Abdul Malik is better In 'Wn for his short stories.
He writes jjoetry also with left-wing political affiliation.
Among the new writers, he is close to the masses not only
for his sympathy for them but for the sake of his poetry too.
He finds the subjects of his verse in the common experience
of maif, and to communicate his ideas clearly, he uses the

10

146

HISTORY OF ASSAMSSB LITERATURE

common man’s language and idioms with considerable ease
and mdody.

Birendrakum^ Bhattacharya has also rallied round the
left wing banner, and his poetry is pungent criticism of the
present day social order. He is l&e editor of the monthly
magazine, RSmdhem (The .Rainbow), roimd which all new
poets gather as mem^rs of a family. Ramdhenu Las created
not only a congenial atmosphere for new poetry but also a
growing circle of admirers for it

Obscurity, shocking images and a good deal of literary
allusions are the notable features of the poems of Han Barka-
kati and Mahendra Bora. Both of them are considered to be
intellectuals, and they register in their writings impressions
mostly of modem life with emphasis on cosmopolitan elements.
Mahendra Bora has recently compiled a selection from the
writings of twenty young poets and c^lls it J^atun Kavita (New
poetry). The sixty-eight short poems in Natun Kavita of
varied contents and metres ^e^eal to what extent these new
poets have) freed themselves from the bondage of traditional
themes, verse-pattems, techniques and taboos.

Homcn Bargohain writes shoit stories and poetry with
equal felicity and distinction. His poetry dwells mostly on
sex themes and Bargohain’s fondness, for sex imagery is re-
miniscent of the poetry of Dylan Thomas.

The other younger poets Dinesh Goswami, Nilmoni Pliukan
(Junior), Bireswar Barua, Mahim Bora have used novelty of
themes, new symbolism and imagery, and have thus generated
scepticism and a high pitch of social consciousness in their
poetry.

In the large body of Assamese poe*^ry written today to
ascertain what poems will endure for tomorrow, is a moot-
point. One only feels that there is abundance of rich ore in
the slag.

CHAPTER Vm

dkaM4

The theatre has been a popular national institution in Assam
since the time of the Vaisnavitc movement, and thus the
theatre in Assam, like its counlerjtart in other parts of India
and in England, is ecclesiastical in origin. Even today, in the
village Namghars one-act plays composed during the Vaisna-
vitc period arc enacted a^d witnessed with great eclat and
enjoyment. Rooted in popular faith, these plays have their
impact on the religi^ lus and social life even of today . The
incentive for modern drama— the realistic, psycho-analytic
and problem pla^s— came, however, from the West. Although
professional public theatres to cater to highly cultivated tastes
are still to develop, amateur dramatic clubs have sprung up
almost in every Assamese town and village. These clubs are
at once repertoire-theatres and centres of culture, and with
them all cduc ated people of the neighbourhood are associated
and under their auspices all social festivals, including the
staging of dramas, arc organised and celebrated. In most
])laccs, barring a few, men perform the feminine roles. After
the attainment of independence, the standards of histrionic
art have risen considerably, thanks especially to the encourage-
ment given by the Sangeet Natak Akadcmi. DuUng the winter
of 1954, the Sangeet Natak Akademi sponsored the first National
Drama Festival in Delhi during "which about 25 plays in 14
recognized languages were enthusiastically staged. The drama
festivals hav^e since become an engaging annual feature of
the modern cultural renaissance in India.

All the plays written since the beginning of the British rule
were meant for the stage, and hence lu them the poetic impulse
is subordinated to stage exigencies. These modern plays may-
be broadly divided into four classes — mythical, social, historical
and romantic. The plots of the mythical plays are based
chiefly qn various pleasing and graceful episodes from the
two epics — the Rdm^atata and the Mahibhdrata. The social

148

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UTERATURE

group of plays may be sub>divided into serious pieces and
light oites. The^y focus attention on .Assamese social and
domestic life. In the lighter social plays incongruities and
failings ot daily life are mirrored to excite mirth and laughter.
The historical plays are an illustrious gallery of portraits
drawn from Assam’s history, particularly of the golden Ahom
period. The ^^slim invasions of Assanr during tiiat period,
the heroic resistance of the people, the courage, heroism, and
statesmanship displayed by kings, generals and soldiers, the
supreme patriotic self-sacrifice of individual sons and daughters
of Assam, and occasional court intrigues and wars and revolts
and struggles for succession and such other episodes are
treated with animation and verve. The romantic group of
plays— rather small in number — contain lyric dramas filled
with dance and song.

Of the modem mythical group of, plays, mention may be
made of Vaidehi Vicched (The Exile of Sit a) by Debanath
Bardoloi, Sitd-haran (The Abduction of Sita) by Ramakanta
Chaudhury, Haradhanu-bhanga (The Breaking of Siva’s Bow)
by Puma Kanta Sarma, Abhimanyu-badh (The Killing of
Abhimanyu) by Bharat Chandra Das, Daksa-Tajna ('I’he
Ritual Sacrifice of Daksa) and Duryyodhanar Urubhanga (The
Breaking of Duryyodhana’s ’Hugh) by Benudhar Rajkhow'a,
Pdrtha Pardjaya (I'he Defeat of Partha) and Bdli-badh (The
Destruction of Bali) by Durgeswar Sarma, and Brsaketu and
Guiu Daksind (Homage to the Master) by Durga Prasad
Majindar Barua. In these dramas the scriptural themes were
faithfully rendfcrcd into drama without any great alteration,
to inculcate in the mind of the ordinar)' spectator the religious
tenets of the scriptures and e veneration for them. To make
these attractive to the vulgar, lighter scenes were introduced,
and these comic interludes later developed into full-fledged
comedies.

Of the earliest social plays of the British period mention
may be made of Rdm J{avam by Gunabhiram Barua, Bangdl-
Bangdlani by Rudraram Bardaloi, and Kdniydr Kirtan by Hem
Chandra Barua. The play Rdm J^favamt emphasises the neces-
sity of widow-remarriage, by dramatising the tragic sequel to
its prohibition. A child-widow Navami, a Brahmin girl, falls
in illicit love with Ram. She becomes pregnant, and, unable

DRAMA

14d

to Stand up against the social odium and apprehensive of
social ostracism, both Ram and Navami commit 'suicide.
BangSl-Bangdlani also deals with illicit love, scoundr^ism and
knavery. Kaniyar Kirtan is a propaganda-play dealing^ with
the evil effects of opium-addiction. The play also exposes the
moral hyppcrisy, falsehood and Shams of those who profess
to be guardians of religion and social ethics.*

In his play Mahari (The Clerk) Durga Prasad Majindar
Barua paints the wretched life of an ill-paid, overworked
clerk of a tea-garden. The clerk’s life contrasts sharply with
the riotous and licentious living of its rich English manager,
Mr. Fox. These farces of rollicking fun are like two-edged
knives in their scornful condemnation. They slash the supersti-
tious beliefs of the local people, they also assail blind and silly
imitations of the West and strip naked the ragged follies of
the time. One tiling nfust be said at least for truth’s sake:
many of these earlier farce-writers sought to -give realistic
pictures of a corrupt societv and they emphasizeci vices rather
than \irtues and consequently gave us low-toned plAys without
muc Ii moral significance.

The historical group of plavs are larger in number, and
more popular. These plays afford greater scojie for dramatic
action - in the fights, the heroic deeds and the like with which
history abounds, and which make a drama more captivating
to the laitv . Their prevalence also indicates the love of historical
literature for which Assai.. has a unique reputation. The play-
wrights depic t the glorious past of the land, her valiant and
chi\alrous sons and daughters wh- se exploits form an immortal
saga of heroism. Out of them a new demand is made upon
the heroism, sacrificcf and faith of the present generation for
liberating the fatherland from foreign \oke. The historical
play thus contributed in no small measuie to the re-awakening
of the people to their social and political problems.

Lakshminath Bezbarua has tc. his credit three historical
plays and four farces. He began by writing farces for which he
was naturally gifted, and sufficient material offered by the
incongruities of Assamese social behaviour easily caught his
observant eyes. The farce Litikai (1890) is based upon th<i
humour of a situation created by foolery, deceitfulness, and
pretentiousness, and has brilliance in its drollery. In Pdeani

150

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

{1923)^P3ncaiu’s hospitality, expanded to ridiculous propor-
tions, gashes \yith his wife’s parsimony, giving rise to a
humoroas situation. Ihe Nomal (1913) presents the old rickety
Naharphutuka who, because of his gawkiness and foolishness,
returns strongly mortified from thb temple to which he had
repaired to seek his son’s wdfarc. In Cikarpati Nikat^ati (1913),
two thieves disj?lay the tricks and methom employed by them
in larceny, and this display, together with the corruption of
the judiciary, creates situations which force laughter. Exag-
gerated situation, irony of thought and words, malapropisms
and humorous dialogues — these are the characteristii s of these
farces. 1 here is hardly any development of plot. The humour
is low because it is invariably one oC situation. Exaggeration
is the very breath of these farces and hence they are often
unreal.

Bezbarua's three historical plays are Jaymati Kuwari,
Cakradhvaj Simha and Belimdr — all composed between 1914
and 1916. In Jaymati Kuwait is shown the dazzling self-
sacrifice <3f the martyr, the Princess Jaymati, who willingly
laid down her life for the welfare of her dear husband and her
country. Cakradhvaj Sithha deals with another \cry glorious
chapter of Assam's history. It shows the Moghul invasion
of Assam during the reign of Swargadeo Chakraddhaj Singh,
and how that invasion was successfully repulsed on the battle-
field of Saraighat by the Assamese army under the leadership
of the great general — LachitBarjrhukon. Hcreis a full-flavoured
realistic commentary on the military strategy and patriotism
of the general, the disciplined efficiency of. the Assamese
forces, and the noble spirit of their king Chakraddhaj Singh.
It may be regarded as the Assamese national anthem in five
acts. Belimdr depicts the decline of Ahom Imperialism, and
its final, sad collapse as a result of three successive Burmese
invasions. In all the three dramas, the dramatist has not taken
Rny liberty with history. He has however shown excellence
and originality in inventing companion episodes that help in
recreating and reinforcing history. With the help of dramatic
contrast and comparison the dramatist has thrown his charac-
ters in bold relief. Though the medium of expression for
ambitious dramatic works was at the time blank verse, Bez-
barua adopted prose instead. He has, like a truly great master.

PRAMA

151

avoided all seatimentality and excess. In these dramas, the
influence of Shakespeare is noticeable. The char;/cters of
Gajpuriya and Priyaram in Cakradhvaj Sitima easikr remind
one of Falstaff and Prince Hall in Shakespeare’s Hen^ IV, after
whom they have been patterned. Bhumuk Bahua and Pijou
of Belimar are also echoes of the Fool in King Lear and Ophelia
in Hamlet.* The dramatist has afforded comic Klief by inserting
lighter scenes in the midst of tragic ones.

Padmanath Gohjiin Barua has left behind eight dramas,
four historical, one Puranic, and three farcical. Jqymati (1900),
Gadddhar (1907), Sadhani (1911), and Ldcit Barphukan (1915) —
these four plays are based on»Ahom history. Jaymati and
Sadhani are tragedies wh^le Gadddhar and Ldcit Barphukan are
comedies. The first three ha\e blank verse as the chief
medium of dramatic expression, and their leading characters
invariably speak blank*vcrse. In Ldcit Barphukan and the later
Puranical play. Ban Rajd, blank verse has be^ replaced by
prose. Jaymati is a tragedy dealing with the supreme self-sacri-
fice of Ja>mati, who was tortured to death by the tyranni-
cal Ahom King— Lararaja— because Jaymati, taken by the
King as a hostage, would not divulge the whereabouts of
her absconding lord — Prince Gadadhar. This she would not
because Gadadhar was not merely her dear consort but also
the guarantee of a prospective good Government. Though
the earliest of the author’s tragedies, Jaymati sustains a tragic
atmosphere and delir ‘ates characters much better than
Sddhani does. While the heroine of the former, Jaymati,
has extraordinary endearing trafts in her character, Sadhani,
heroine of the latter, has no sue u graces. Sadhani, is an easy,
simplc-souled dove, •without individuality, and she is a st ape-
goat of other people’s failures. There is not much of cither
complexity or logical development of plot, and hence the
drama falls short of the orthodox, classical requirements of a
tragedy. Gadddhar is a kind of nendant to Jaymati but far
less successful The leading character, Gadadhar, disappoints
the reader. Ihere is more of dialogue than of action, sent-
imentality than sense, and empty vaunt than skill in plot-
weaving.

In«plot-development the dramatist pays scant attention to
economy, unnecessary sentimentality, tedious descriptions of

152

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UTERATURE

occult matters, an effusive love of Nature, purposeless and
prolix dlKlogue, ^nd irrelevant comic scenes do not contribute
towards ^he organic growth of plots in the drama. There are
a few historical anachronisms too in these plays. The materials
are complc’tely historical, and, in ^cir exposition, the play-
wright does not show any flew attitude or throw ^ any new
light. Bd^ Rajd'is based on the Hativarhsa, and the dramatist
does not take any liberty with the original anecdote. Prose
is employed here all through, thc'ugh, in view of the very
mythical nature of the theme, verse would be more justified
here than in the other historical pla^8. The language is arti-
ficial, being heavily Sanskrit-laden, and there is very little of
characterisation or ingenuity. •

Gohain Barua shows great skill in drawing low life and
rustic scenes, but he signally fails in dealing with scrip-
tural anecdotes and in recreating hitftory. He has not that
creative imagination and that knowledge whic h are espcc ially
necessary in recreating historical periods and interjireting
historical figures.

The Gdobu4hd (The Village Headman, 1890), Teton-
Tdmult (1908), the BhutNe Bfaram (Is it Spirit or Hallucination ?,
1924) — of these three farces, the last-named is a collection of
some pictures, with ar definite purpose. The author wants to
effect a reform in rural society oppressed by a preposterously
superstitious dread of evil spirits. But this is stressed again and
again in a very direct manner without an eye on plot-develop-
ment or characterisation.

Teton Tdmuli is a full-fledged farce of the picturesque
variety. In describing how the sly Teton converts his very
defeats to personal advantage, in creating situations, and in
adjusting the talk and behaviour of the characters, the author
displays intimate knowledge of rural life. The success of the
farce and its popular appeal depend largely upon its brilliant
wit.

Gdobudhd, though the earliest of his farces, is' yet the best.
It gives a realistic picture of the British administration of the
closing decade of the 19th century. Like Dinabandhu Mitra’s
J^la Darpat}, Gdohu4hd is a play with a set purpose and, like
that too, it is a meritorious play — a notable contribution to
Assamese comic literature. The drama depicts the miserable

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155

life of Bhogman, the village headman, who holdsthe resjMnsible,
burdensome, but horibrary post of the headinan, a^tl whose
own affairs come to the verge of ruin on account of hi^ extreme
pre-occupation with his o^cial duties, for which he gets not
only no money but actually insult from one and all— big
and small., Beneath the mirth and fun there u a pathetic and
tragic undertone, and this increases the appeal of the play. The
dramatist displays uncommon skill in drawing such typical
rural characters as* Bhogman ajd Rongdai. The play is
better described as a light comedy than a farce. Here we
realise the gifted author’s sharp faculty for irony and epigram.
His serious dramas have become rather stale; but the comedies
and fartes are realistic awd perfect alike for their characteri-
sation and for stage management.

Another leading dramatist of this century is Benudhar
Rajkhowa. His SeuttKithn (1894) has been influenced to some
extent by Shakespeare’s Othello. Another tragedy' is Ontbhanga
(Ihc Breaking of Thigh). But he has earned wider fame as a
writer of farces, the chief being Kurisatikdr Sabnyatd, 1908
(The Civilisation of the 20th Century), Tini-Ghai^i (Three
Wives), Ahkiita Ghainl (Ihc Uneducated Wife), Topanir
Parindm (I’he Consequences of Sleep) and Corai Srsti (The
Creation of Thieves). In the first is depicted the hypocrisy
of youths with half-baked Western education. They are
sceptical about the older and time-honoured faiths of their
land, but have not reahocd the plenitude of the newfangled
Western faiths either. Ihey are atheists and do not believe in
the caste system. Yet they rcsp< t it outwardly for fear of
society. The farces on matrimo..y deal with co-wives and
illiterate wivess who iftake the husband’s life a bed of thorns.
The Topanir Parindm is a vivacious representation of how
Topani, a young man, seduced a young dame and was forced
to marry her. The story is borrowed p-irtlv from old folk
tales. The Corar Srsti, a lighter .c.-nedy, is patterned after
Shakes])care’s Comedy of Errors. The two husbands, 'Dhumuha
and Mauram, lead unhappy fives with their respective wives
due to temperamental incompatibility. One night a thief who
enters their house gets to be aware of this unhappiness.
With the help of a charm which he knows, he gets the wives
exchanged. The two men now enjoy their new loves to the

154 HISTORY OF ASSAMB8E LITERATURE

full. Iiv spite of the presence of several scenes to provoke
laughteV, the sU^j'y resembles a folk tale. The author’s aim is
reformeq, and this cannot be missed in any of his plays. The
weakest spot of the plays is* the presence of too many uninte>
grated son^ and feeble dialogues. *

Chandradhar Barua’s fathc as a writer depends chiefly on
his dramas. Two of his major dramas deal witk Pauranic
anecdotes. Meghnad-vadh (1904-5), and TUottamd-sambhav,
both in blank verse, deal respectively .with the killing of
Indrajit (son of Ravana) and the mutual destruction of the
two demons, Sunda and Upasunda, through their rivalry for
the hand of Tilottama, In' plot-development and descrip-
tions, the dramas disclose the inflvence of Michael Madhu-
sudan Datta. There is like emphasis on the characters of
Ravana and Meghnad, which have been drawn with special
sym})athy. The character of Laksnfana has been neglected
while Rama has been drawn as a great and large-minded hero.
Our dramatist has, with great success, drawn Meghnad’s
wife, Pronlila, as of greater charm and interest than even the
Sita of Michael . TtloUamd-sambhav deals with the mutual
destruction of the demons and the way virtue is secured there-
after in the world. Lust or animal desire can never lead to the
realisation of beaut/. Beauty, when subjugated to desire,
only brings about downfall. This final downfall of satanic
wa\s is the central theme of TtUottamd-sambhav.

Tilottamd-iambhav may be called a verse drama. The flow-
ing verse, the sweet rhymes, and the songs with which this
drama abounds make it look like one long poem, and the
author points this out in the preface and asks the reader to
accept it as such. There is not much of cKaracjeijsation, and the
introduction of rural and light scenes in which the writer
elsewhere displays considerable skill, has not, in this case,
hclyed to give better effect. The episode of the poor Brah-
min’s wood-boy, Kolia, in heaven, though meant to give
relief, is JaTring in tone against the august background. Chan-
dradhar Barua’s diction is easy-flowing and happy and his
blank verse is flexible.

Bhdgya Parihsd (Fate Decided) is a farce in which the relative
merits of fate and affluence are assessed in a lighter vein.
For Barua fate resides not in occult power but in moral earnest-

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155

ness. Where this earnestness is, there are riches and power.
The author brings this out through the clyingiBg .'.areer of
Paniram. The farce abounds in coincidences and ^cidents,
and as such is a mixture of both real and unreal matters. The
faintly connected narrative is nearly throttled at places by
these accidental coincidences, leaving the impression that
here situations count for much. The writer*displays skill in
depicting 'varied pictures of rural life. Paniram and Maniki,
man and woman, arc living characters. In a similar way, the
characters of Kewaliya bhakat,* fishermen, money-lenders,
etc. are realistic and representative of their classes, both in
their behaviour and speech. Bli^gya Pariksa is thus a notable
fart e in Assamese. «

Amongst living farce-writers Mitradeva Mahanta occupies
a prominent place. Biyd-Biparyaya (The Marriage Debacle,
1924), and Kukunka^&r Athmangala (The Reception of the
Purblind Son-in-law, 1927), are very popular, and at one
time these two were warmly received at every theatre in
Assam. In recent )cars he has written and pubHjhcd a few
more farces such as Eta Curat (One Cigarette), Tengar-Bhengar
(The Clever Rogue), Lcklau Lam, Cenchd Jvar (Cold Fever),
Acin Kdthar Thord (The Unknown of Caste and Creed) ,J5om-
Phuiukd (The Blulf-Givcr), and others. -But in dramatic and
literary virtues his earlier farces are definitely much better.

Incongruous situations and behaviour are the sources of
mirth in his Btyd Bij. 't^aya. ITxe playwright holds up to
ridicule such evils of rural life as child-marriage, dowry , and
superstitions, and this he docs with the help of dramatic
exaggerations.

indreswar Barthakur is known chiefly as a dramatist, and
has written a number of thoughtful articles on ancient Indian
drama and acting. His great work is Stibatsa Cintd (Sribatsa
and Cinta). Based on a Puranic episode, the play displays
admirably the author's craftsmanship. In giving variety to
incidents, in dfeveloping character.,, and in generating dramatic
pathos, the dramatist’s success is the more remarkable because
of the episodic theme which ordinarily docs not allow variety.
While faithful to the Puranic story, the author has given us
characters who possess charm and vitality. It seems that he
finds a native medium when his imagination wanders in the

156

HISTORY OF ASSAiilESE LITERATURE

world oj[ mythology. This fact is revealed when we survey his
work in Hhcr foifens of literature. The Iifdra-Mallika (Jasmine)
is a coUeltion of poems on varied themes. A lover of Sanskrit
literature ^nd old Indian culture,^ Barthakur has not only
written many articles on them but has also composed poems
to glorify thmi, ^Bhdiati (Indiana), Sarade ^amas (A,Salutation
to Autumn), Dutvasa^ Vdlmikiy Vedavydsa^ Urvasi and such
other poems testify to this characteristic ot the writer.

Atul Chandra Hazarika began as a poet, and although by
writing poems and stories based on Puranic ejnsodes, which
he is doing at present, he is making a notable contribution to
children’s literature, yet his chief claim to reputation rests
on the dramas he has written. He has a fairly large number of
them to his credit. His dramas divide themselves into three
classes— those based on Puranic episodes and anecdotes, those
on historical events, and those on mis(?ellancous topics.

The Puranic grouj) of dramas consists of Nandaduldly
Kuruksetra^ Rukmini-haian^ Beuld^ J^arakd-sur, Sakunlald, Miiyd-
titd, Campdvati and Sri Rdmcandra. Except Sakujitald and Beuld
all the others are based on the stories of cither the e|)ics or
the Bhdgavata^ and their medium is blank verse. The dramatist
has not tampered with the original anecdotes, either by addi-
tion or by subtractieJn. He has onlj^ dramatized readymade
stories and, where necessary, adapted and intergrated them
to and with local scenes, ideals and emotions. Regarding
Sakuntald^ the author himself has admitted that, except for
one or two reorientations of facts, he has followed the original
with fidelity. The dramatist has, however, displayed consi-
derable skill in localising the dramatis personae and the set-
tings. The local atmosphere is evident *^in the portrayal of
Rukmini’s nuptials in the cordon of the bride for

groom in Beuld, road-construction by labourers in Narakd^ur
and the solemnising of the marriage in Sri Rdmcandm. I’hese
estabb'sh a close intimacy between the reader or the spectator
and the characters taken either from mythology or from
everyday life. The household of the clown Vedanidhi in
Rukmi^i-haran is a realistic picture of a humble home etched
without scolBng or rancour.

In characterisation, the dramatist has not taken any liberties
at all; in the very nature of things he could not. Where is the

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157

room for characterisation, dramatic tension and suspense
when the plot is a Puranic story left undisturbed ? In the play,
Kurukfetra, the playwright has taken some liberties, Uid hence
he has succeeded in depicting in Gandhari the portrait of a
woman who has passed ^through the vicissitudes, of fortune.
Gandhari’s speech to Krishna ai^er she has removed the eye
acreen ofiicr husband reads like fine lyric ppetry. I'he easy-
lowing lines of blank verse make all the plays happy reading.
The prose passages thrown in at suitable places offer effective
variety. Some of iKese Puranic djramas are divided into three
acts; others, into four, five, or even seven acts. The play
Sakuntala has seven arts. The %cts and the scenes follow old
conventions, except in Rdmcandra and the Niryatitd (The
Oppressed), where the be^nning and the close are very attrac-
tive. In the latter as well as in Ruknaifi-haran the dramatist
has blended modem ^ramatic technique with that of tlie
Vaisnavite era, and, demonstrating thereby the excellences
of the older technique, tried to evolve a new national dramatic
style. He has paid no mean attention to stage arrangement,
especially in plays like Beuld.

The historical group of plays consists of Banij Kowar, Kanauj
Ktmdti, and Chatrapati Sivdji. I'he Banij Kowar is an Assamese
adaptation of Shakespeare’s Merchant of Venue in five acts of
blank ver.se. In this adaptation the Assamese dramatist has
achieved admirable success where it was least expected, vii,
in finding an historical Assamese clas.s-conflit t comparable in
almost all its entirety with the Christian-Jew conflict which
is the pivot of the English play. In the Assamese adaptation,
Amiya Kumar (Antonio) and Chandanmal (Shvlork) are
representatives of th^ Assamese and the exploiters from outside,
between whom there is deep suspicion and jirofound distrust
and sometitnes even passionate schism on linguistic and
cultural grounds. In adapting the play in Assamese , the
Assamese play w light has brought to 'ocar a w'ealth of racy
phrases and jdioms which givv" the work the dignity and
strength of almost an original work. The Kanauj Kumdri is
based upon the family feud between the Indian prinexs
Prithviraj and Jaycand, regarding the hand of the princess
Samy^ukta, that ultimately brought about the downfall of the
Ilinclu regime. Though it has no great dramatic excellence.

15S HISTORY OF A88A1IR8E UTERATURE

it enriched Assamese literature by introducing into it a mo-
mentous ^chapter ^of Indian History. As individual characters,
Jayc3nd,^ana, and Samyukta speak heroic sentiments with
ardour, p^ion and liveliness. In Chatrapati Sivdji, the writer
was, on his own admission, influenced by the Gairik-Patakd
of the Bengali dramatist Amritalal Bose. Atul Hazarika has
shown how, even in writing historical dramas, it is possible to
produce creative plays without meddling with historical detail.
He has succeeded in portraying Sivaji in glowing colours.
Nevertheless the dramatist docs not forget, whenever an op-
portunity presents itself, to sing the valour of the Assamese
army of those days, as also the gospel of Hindu- Muslim unity,
as in the dialogue between Emperor Aurangazeb and Ram
Singh in Act IV, scene 1, of the play. 'The miscellaneous group
of Hazarika’s plays contains Marjiyana, Mdnas-Pratima, Ahutiy
and RangmahaL Based on a popular fpisode of the Arabian
Mights, Marjidnd is a dramatic version of the story of Alibaba
and the Forty Robbers, and as Marijydnd is the central cha-
racter, the, drama has rightly been named after her. Ahuti is
a drama on soc ial problems, focussing attention on the conflict
between two generations of men. Though in a small compass,
the idealist Anwar- -the hero of the play — has called forth
some discussion on certain problems, extrancously thrust on
Assam. The introduction of the mediaeval Sutradhara has not
helped, but hindered the dramatic action. Il is definitely
unrealistic in many places. The two playlets, Kalydni and
Muld Gdbharu, published in the same volume with AAm//, have
more or less achieved their central objects. Mdnas Pratimd is
a poetic rendering of the Persian Siri Farhad episode. But
the Assamese writer’s dramatisation is heterogeneous and his
language, prolix.

It must be noted that Atul Hazarika wrote dramas to meet
the demand of the Assamese stage which, before he started
writing, had been practically monopolised by the dramas of
the Bengali playwrights, Girishchandra Ghosh and Dwijendra-
lal Roy. Atul Hazarika liquidated this dependence once and
for all and his success inspired numerous writers for the
Assamese stage.

Three dramas of Daiba Chandra Talukdar, viz, the ^iplao,
the Bdmuifi Kuwar, and Bhdskarvarmd, deserve special mention

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159

Biplav (The Rebellion) is the story of tenants rising against a
tyrannical eamindar who oppressed and exploited them. The
insurgence is led by farbati, daughter of the poet f^ndra-
tnohan, and later ako by Bipin, the zamindar’s ^n son.
The proud zatnindar finally yields to his people. The drama
ends in universal joy with the un(pn of the hearts and hands
of Parvati and Bipin. The plot shows some poyer of invention
although characterisation is weak. There are several inspiring
patriotic songs in the play, holding up the picture of a socialistic
pattern of society. ‘ »

Bdmutfi Kuwar is a historical play dramatizing an attractive
episode from Ahom history. Th^ Ahom king, Tyaokhamthi,
had two queens. When onfce the King had gone out on a
military expedition again^ the Chutias, the elder queen, who
had been left, in charge of the kingdom took adv'antage of the
king’s absence. Incited Ijy jealousy, she exiled the other queen
to a place called Habung. The exiled queen sought asylum
in the house of a Brahman, where she gave birth to a prince
who became celebrated as Bamun! Kuwar (Thp. Brahmin
Prince). This prince grew up and later came to wield his
father’s sceptre. Around this central plot based on history, a
few sub-plots of an imaginary t haracter have been deftly woven
to form a skein of striking beauty. Two imaginary characters,
viZi Rohdai and Baromi, have been etched with unique preci-
sion and bewitching loveliness. Bhaskarvarma is a dramatic
representation of the Kamrup Emperor, the redoubtable
Bhaskarvarma of the 7th century a.d. In this drama unfortu-
nately chronicle triumphs over drama with the consec|uent
crippling and stilting of characte.isation.

Only three plays oj^Jyoti Prasad Agarwala have been pub-
lished, and several others are still in manuscript. The three
published plays arc Sonit-Kuvodn (The Princes of Sonitpur),
Kdreitgar Ligiri (The Maid of the Courtl, and Labhitd. The
Sot^it-Kttwari, composed while the dramatist was very young,
combined in eqpal proportions the ' 'loicest talents of a budding
poet and dramatist.

His second drama, Kdrengar-Ligiri, is his masterpiece and is
a marvellous specimen of its kind in Assamese. The dramatist
is no loitger in the supernatural world of myths. He is among
his own Idnd. He deals with the conflict between man and

160

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UTERATURE

environment, old tradition and new outlook, man and destiny,
and assails the way in which the ghost of the past doggedly
haunts t^e present. Prince Sundar marned Princess Kanchan
under serial pressure but only to learn that the Princess was
alieady in love with her friend, Anangaram. In a very bold
manner, he handed over Kanchan to Anangaram. But this
was interpreted as having been prompted by a secret love
connection which the Prince was supposed to have with
Sewali- the Palace maid. The queen mother got Sewali
secretly banished. When the Prince learnt this, he ran to
rescue Sewali. Sewali, however, wanted to absolve the Prince
Irom this social stigma. She indicated her self-less love for
the Prince and committed suicide by jumping into a river,
creating thus a void in the heart of the Prince.

In spirit, Agarwala is a romanticist. Besides romantic and
ideal love, there is in his pla>s an insistence on the elemental
simplicities of life. Organisation of scenes and acts follows
modern lines, and in e\crv scene, the dramatist gives elaborate
stage-directions. The dialogue is livel>, clear and spontaneous.
Dramatic necessity and economy arc always kept in view in
providing for scenes and characters. C4haracters aie developed
naturally, and dramatic contrast makes them not only clear
but also living and forceful. Sundar contrasts with Sudarshan,
Kanchan with Sewali, and Rewati with Seuti.

From the ethereal and supernatural world of myth in
Somt-Kuwari and the romantic tragedy of Kdiengar Ligiri^
Jyoti Prasad came down to firmer and dustier ground in
Labhitd. From the realm of myth, fancy, poetry and song, the
dramatist comes to deal with the sickening and maddening
events of the hard present. Lahhiid depicts the August revolu-
tion of 1942 in which India’s millions underwent sacrificial
suffering lor Independence. It also depicts how this revolution
as well as the Second World War shook up Assamese life and
fired the imagination of Assamese youths and maidens to
blaze IV the revolutionary trail. The courage, patriotism, and
abihty of the heroic village girls Labhita, and ex-soldier of the
I, N, A., and her pathetic social life— these move us deeply.
Realistic to the very core, the drama is principally one of
action and thwarted ])assion. Character is enlivened by action,
and the grim action is directed by the force of circumstances.

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Realism is enlarged to such a degree that it even warps
the poetic creativity of the dramatist occasionally. Though
not a tragedy by orthodox canons, the totall impr^ion pro-
duced by it upon the reader is one of tragedy* La^ta lacks
the romantic beauty of K^endr Ligiri; but it moveg on a more
familiar and intimate ground and, by the very breadth of its
scope and- popular appeal, is more endearii^g than the rest
of the dramatist’s published work.

Though he wrote short stories, Nakul Chandra Bhuyan is
generally known aS a dramatisi. Both his dramas, Badan
Barphukan and Chandrakdnia Simha^ are culled from the crowning
glory of Assam’s historj, the ^hom period. In the Belimdr
of Bezbarua and Ahomat Dm of Hiteswar Barbarua, a histo-
rical play is neither a put'c play nor history. In it, historical
facts are illuminated by the creation of situations and charac-
ters w'hich, though im^inar\, tend yet to portray the spirif
and pressure of the times and interpret them so as to bring
them to life. In Badan Baiphukan the dramaUst*^has not been
able to achieve this, Ihcrc is a rigid fidelity to^Jacts. The
introduction C3f imaginary characters like the woman Golapi
gives some amount oi dramatic relief, but the character hangs
loosely b\ , and does not help the central action very much.

In character-sketching the dramatist has a firm grasp over
his materials. The proud patriot Badan who, when crossed,
turns against his mother ^ountr\, has been firmlv drawn.
The characters of the far-sighted Queen-Mother, the tow^erinii
Prime Minister Purnanandu, and the w^eak Chandrakanta,
have been depicted with \ision and syinpaths. The dramatist
has underlined the fact that tht ills that befell Assam were
(fue as much to Bac^an’s apostas) as to Purnananda’s high-
handed state-craft.

The other historical pla\ , Chandrakanta Simha^ is a sequel and
complement to the former, and reiterates the decline and fall
of Ahom Rule in Assam. "I he character of Chandrakanta —
weak, idle, selfish, short-sighted, su .>unded by selfish, envious,
and intriguing officers - has been firmly drawm and dominates
the play. The regrets and self-reproach which overwhelm
Chandrakanta in the last scene, touch the audience too, and
rouse ^eir sympathy for him. The other characters also are
more or less successful. The picture in the fourth Act of the

11

162

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Burmese atrocities and the terrors they perpetrated on the
people, has been realistically drawn.

Kamai^nanda^Bhatlacharya was a writer of songs, a drama-
tist and 'a successful actor intimately associated with the
Dramatic Club of Nowgong. Two of his plays, Nagd Kunwdi
(The Naga Prince) and Aia^dn (The End), deserve special
mention. The Nagd Kunwdr relates the- life of the Ahom
prince, Kanseng. When Chupimpha was on the Ahom throne,
occasional tributes weie paid him in his <ourt b\ a handsome
Naga youth named Khunbao. One da\ Chupimpha’s queen
saw him and praised his bcautv before her husband. At this
the king was enraged and banished her, though she was
pregnant, to the Naga territorv of Khunbao. There the queen
gave birth to a son known in Asiam histor) as tne Naga
Prince. When he came to i)a\ respect to the Ahom king
(his own father) he was well receivcjd by C4hupiTn})ha. Thi
king later made him a Barpatra Gohain or a Minister of Slate.
Kanseng fought the Moghuls when they invaded Assam. The
play^ IS full of heroic and lose sentiments. Ava\dn deals with
the death of Krishna. The destiuetion of the Yadu d\nast\ at
Prabhash and the death of Krishna at the hands of the huntei
are depicted in a touching manner.

Kamaleswar Chaliha’s Dhuh (The Dust) is .i symbolic
one-act plas. Dhuh — represented in the play as a woman
is the last rc'sort of all. Herself a life-long sufferci, she never
fails anybody in his hour of need, Dhuh is struck to death b\
thunder. Her death is mourned by the affectionate cowherds,
and Autumn herself is moved to pitv and heaps, through the
agency of her sweet, cool bree/es, floral wreaths on her corpse.

Parvali Prasad Barua's lyric dramas, Laksmi and SorjLar
Soleng, are also symbolu . Laksmi is an operatic farewell to
late summer (Sarat) and welcome to the Goddess of Autumn
(Hemanta). The white queen of late Summer (Sarat) is bade
adieu to in music and dance by the whiteflower Kahuwa
grass and the Sew'^ali flower. The goddess Hem?nta (Autumn)
is welcomed by the bashful damsel, Fog, enveloped in her veil,
and Banti (the flambeau^ goes out to receive and escort the
queen with due honours. The queen, Hemanta, deity of
harvest, comes in the month of Kartik—the month in which
plantations over, the Assamese people celebrate the Kartik

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163

festival or Bihu. The dramatist has poetically rendered the
spirit of the season of agricultural peace an(| plenty in Assam
in this play.

Sorj^ar Soleng is a collection of several melodious, symbolic
songs. Bin Baragi (The Roving Minstrel), the chief cl^racter
in the drama, is in eternal quest*after supreme joy. He inter-
rogates everything that he comes across — ^the golden swans
winging wildly across the deep blue of heaven in search of a
golden Utopia, the^wind that spreads its white invisible wings
against the blue sky, and the mountain stream rolling down
and singing mellifluously — if it can instruct him as to where
ideal bliss (Sonar Selcng) can he found. But nobody satisfies
his curiosity. At long last Bin Baragi himsell' realises that
Sonar Soleng (Ideal Bliss^ is not something which is to be had
w'ithout. It is something within which is in life, and in it
every minute of life is lived intensely and made eternal. Apart
from the sxTnbolism, the songs and l>rics contained in the
drama are the very best of their kind in Assamese.

Wliile the influence of the English drama on the ‘artistry of
the Assamese has to be admitted, it must at the same time be
recognised that this influence was only meagre and superficial
and did not permeate to deeper levels. Drama grows and is
nurtured against the background of societ> . Assamese society
being different from English, the foreign influence could
hardly fructify the Assamese theatre at deei)cr levels. In the
selection of themes, in the delineation of social situations, in
the unlolding of historical happenings, respect for national
genius and native bias are indispensable. Failing this, drama
is bound to be effete. This basic resistance qualifies foreign
influences that may* have found their way in. Though the
character of Gajpuriya in Lakshminath Bezbarua’s Cakradkoaj
Sirhka may have been influenced by Shakespeare’s Falstaff,
and though weaving of sub-plots in historical plays and dis-
guising of women in men’s apparel in Assamese plays are attri-
butable to the^ same source, yet these must be reckoned as
external influences only.

Translations of Shakespeare’s plays did not thrive on the
Assamese stage, because of this incompatibility between
local eRiotions and western sentiments, the audience and the
dramatic background, and social aspirations and ideals.

164

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

The Comedy of Errors was rendered into Assamese as Bhrama-
rahga^ Thiy, was followed by Cai^%avali {As Ton Like It)
of Dure^sswar Sarma, Tara {Cymbeline) of Nabin Chandra
Bardoloi, Bhimdarpa {Macbeth) of Debananda Bharali, and
AmarW,a {BSomeo and Juliet) of PadmSdhar Chaliha. In adapt-
ing these dramas the adapters gave Assamese names to the
dramatis person&c. But none of them really made d mark on
the stage in Assam. No successful playwright visualizes flesh
without vitalizing it with life. In the a^plations we have
flesh without life; we havt* uninteresting two-dimensional
characters, flat and bloodless. Unfortunately, with a few
honourable exceptions, the adapters of English plays are a
strangely pedestrian rabble blindly treading the English roads,
showing to each other the beauty spots which the English
masters built and aimlessly endeavouring to transpLint them
in an alien soil.

1947 AND AFTER

After tha second world war and the attainment ol indepen’
dence, Assamese literature has entered a new era of ( reativity
and writers are exploiting new themes. The most recent
dramas reflect the contemporary tastes and movements of
the people. Dramas. on classical themes suffer a tcmporar\
eclipse, and the little, if any, that is based on classical topics is a
re-interpretation of life in new light. These arc marked bv
symbolism. As pointed out already, patriotic fervour guided
earlier dramatists in the selection of their subject-matter, and
the Ahom chronicles proved a vast store-house of such patriotic
material. Even so, these dramatists concentrated their art on
characterisation and not, as has been the practice in the im-
mediate present, on the propagation of political and social
ideologies. The modem dramatist has employed the historical
play either to preach Hindu- Muslim unity or to c ondemn the
underhand policies of the British rulers, to extol those martyrs
who fought the British, and who died for India’s freedom at
the han^ of a perfidious and tyrannical oppressor. Chandra-
kanta Phookan’s Piyali Pkukan is one such anti-British play.
Himself an actor, Chandrakanta Phookan has intimate know-
ledge of the stage, and is imbued v«th the patriotic spifit with
which he invested the play. Hence it has been received well

DRAMA

165

on the stage. Piyali Phukan, the last scion of the Ahom
dynasty, secretly made a serious bid to driv^ away (ie British
from Assam, and he even managed to set fire to a British am-
munition dump. But he A^as finally apprehended ^nd hanged
by the British. Prabin Phookan, another anti-British dramatist,
shows in his Maniram Devdn how the Ahom (^cial, Maniram
Devan, plotted for the overthrow of British rule in Assam,
and how he too perished on the British scaffold. In both the
plays very modem t:urrents of thought find their expression.
Sarada Kanta Bardoloi preaches Hindu-Muslim unity in
Magribar Ajdn, It tells how the Muslim youth, Karim, sacri-
ficed his own life in a bid to save the life of a tribal Hindu
girl. The drama tries tc» give a realistic picture of how in
Assam’s villages Hindus, Muslims and tribals all live in peace
and amity.

But most of these recent dramas deal exclusively with prob-
lems of urban life. The motif of social reform of earlier plays
has been replaced by the motif of diagnosis of social problems,
mostly economic and civic, with which the townspeople are
confronted today. The problems of women in the new set-up
also figure prominently. Sarada Bordoloi’s Pahild Tdrikh
( First Day of the Month) brings out the precarious economic
life of the lower middle class and wage-^roup whose monthly
]5ay is exhausted on the very pay-day itself in discharging the
debts of the preceding month.

After the installation of the Gauhati and Shillong Studios of
the All India Radio, one-act plavs have become very popular.
Some of these one-act plays possess literary distinction. These
plays concentrate not on plot but on a single situation, analy-
sing therein the innef conflicts of the men and women of today
—conflicts bom of economic and social ills. These are illumi-
nating studies of some particular character, situation or prob-
lem, and as such they are allied in technique to short stories.
The first strongly conceived one-act play in Assamese, EbelSr-
Ndt (Drama of a Half-day) ; depicts the conflicts of ideals and
hopes among the members of a single family — father, mother,
son and daughter — some sticking to old values, others holding
firmly to new ones, all the happenings being confined to one
half of*a day. The development of the subject-matter and the
arrangement of the dialogue has been so deftly handled that

166 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

it is difficult to ascribe the incidents and characters to anv
particular locality or people. The treatiilent rises above racial
barriers, Mnd embraces wider issues. In the years ahead the
one-aQt play will remain the only dramatic entertainment for
people of diverse tastes.

CHAPTER IX

THE NOVEL AND THE SHORT STORY

The novel in Assamese came in the wake of the western
system of education that was introduced by the British
Administration, and it drew its inspiration from the literature
of the west. In the pages of the Arunoday itself, an Assamese
rrndering of Bun^an’s PUgrini s^Progress began to appear in
serial under the ^Ydttikdrar Tdtrd. We have already

written about Kdminikdnta and Phulmani Am Karuiid^ both
dealing with Christian scriptural stories. In 1880 apj)eared
Sudharmar Updkhydn of Radmavati Devi Phukanani, which got
some publicity as the first novel by an Assam€;se lady, and
which is not without some intrinsic merit. But the first attempt
at anything a]>proaching a plot, was Hemchandfa Barua’s
Bdhin raiig-cang Bhitare Kowd Bhdturi (Playing in the parlour,
f’in])t\ is the larder). As this is a novel with a purpose directed
against the so( ial and religious evils of the time, here for the
first time realism and c haracterisation find fuller development.
Alter the social no\'el, the historical novel was taken up, and
in this genre Lakshminath Bezharua was a leading writer*
His PadujH Kunwdri is a store of tragic love, between Paduin
and Surj)a. inserted into the story of a rebellion led by two
reminders of Kamrup of great influence and power, Hardatta
and Birdatta, Padum’s father and uncle, against the Ahom
throne. The turmoil# and the* clash of the rebellion do not
hinder the tender love story from proceeding naturally , and
the author succeeds to a certain extent in conjuring up the
spirit and atmosphere of the times in which the characters
move and breathe. Minute details are provided to lend to
the story the fllusion of reality, and the novelist achieves a
pattern marked by skilful weaving, clarity of conception and
happiness of blending.

PadmanatK Gohain Barua wrote two novels, Ldhari and
Bhdnutnaiiy both centring round love. Both have the back-
ground of the Ahom days. Though placed against historical

168

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

settings, neither novel deals with any history as such. More-
over, neither in plot-development nor in characterisation and
psychological analysis do the novels show any distinction.

Though Jlajanikanta Bardoloi Iv^s contributions to other
branches of literature, he is, widely known as a great novelist.
He had a reverence for the past and for Assam’s cultural and
literary heritage, and was always inspired by a lofty idealism.
His novels aim at rousing a regard for the rich heritage of
Assam. He held up high mpral standards^ before people, and
for human weakness he had the largest sympathies. Equally
disposed to all classes of people, he assayed a Comedic
Humaine, darting like a traveller from one sw^arming city'
or countryside to another with an afoundance of human sym-
pathy. He believed that life after all is one and that mutual
regard would not cost anything and wopld remove unhappiness.
Primal passions tliat ultimately count have their soil in every
human heart and do not abide any distinctions of class or
caste or copimunity. He was thus the most large-hearted and
the most felicitous of our novelists.

Influenced by Sir Walter Scott, and possessing the same
pure relish for the charm of the wayside, the same ringing
humour and infectious vivacity as of Scott and the great
Bengali novelist, Bankimchandra . Bardoloi took up his pen to
portray the history and .social conditions of a critical period
of Assamese national existence, and the work he produced
endures for its depth of philosophic comment, descriptive
power, fidelity to life, creative imagination and charm of style.
Historical novelists usually enjoy only a short sway of immense
popularity and are then dethroned. But Bardoloi has never lost
his pre-eminence in the field of Assamese fiction. His historical
novels are abiding historical frescoes. Like Scott and Bankim-
chandra, Bardoloi was a mighty potentate of literature. With
the exception of Minjlyari, all novels of Bardoloi have histo-
rical settings. The Mirijiyari, written in 1895, i§ his first novel.
It deals with the sad love-affair of two young Miris, and is
obviously the first Assamese novel on tribal life. Monomoti
(1900) is Bardoloi’s best work. Placed against the background
of the declining years of Ahom Rule, the Burmese inv^ion of
Assam, and the consequent insecurity and unrest, both social
and political, the novel deals with the love-story of Laksmi-

TSE NOVEL AND THE SHORT STORY

169

kanta and Monomoti. The heroism of Lak^ikinta and
the womanly dignity of Monomoti arc b#th brought into
bold relief, and they haunt our memories. If we nAy quote
an English poet, blessings and prayers in nobler retinue than
sceptred king or laurelled conqueror knows, fdllow* these
lovers. Ra^gili (1925) has the samt dark historical background.
Against the Burmese invasion, social and pofitical chaos and
court intrigues, the character of an ideal woman sheds its
divine and redeeming brilliance. The good and distinguished
lady Rangili has her earthly lov^, but this love is gradually
sublimated to divine love. The novelist suggests that the forti-
tude and nobility of Rafigili arf no mere casual feature of a
single and noble househod, but that suffering like hers is
characteristic of the time and symptomatic of the decadence
of society. Another historical novel is Rahdai Ligiri (Rahdai
the Courtmaid), depicting the ideal of pure love. Rahdai, a
simple maiden, is in deep love with Dayaram, also an
ordinary youth. The pure flame of Rahdai’s innocent and
profound love for Dayaram burns steadily even in* the midst
of blinding and overpowering storms of royal displeasure,
privations, and temptations. When tyranny becomes oppres-
sive, she takes to j>oga and thereby not only sa\ es herself
but also changes the mind of Dayaram. Nirmal Bhakal (1925)
describes how Nirmal is taken captive by the Burmese during
their second invasion of Assam, and how, after a long exile in
Burma, he returned home to fand that not only the f ountry but
also his own home has changed enormously and that his wife
has married another man. Niimal does not despair of life.
He becomes a Vaispavite devotee and spends the rest of his
life in religious peace*, whereby, according to the Upanishadic
Seer, “what has not been heard of becomes heard of, what
has not been thought of becomes thought of, what has not been
understood becomes understood.”

Historical in setting and with marked topographical lining,
the Tamreivait Mandir (The Shrine of Goddess Tamresvari)
tells the story of a passionate pair — Dhaneswar and Aghoni —
whose unioq is crossed by several factors, the greatest being
the sentient Tantricism of the temple itself. The long-
delayrid union is Anally effected by the victory of Vai§Davism
over Tantricism, of all-embracing love over blind ritual. The

170

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

events belong approximately to the same time as those of
Mmal Bhakai. (

The iKinduva Droh (1919) deals with the revolt of the people
of Kamrup against the Ahom rule. Provoked by the misrule
and oppression of the Ahom Viceroy, Badan Chandra, at
Gauhati, the Kamrup people revolt under the leadership of
the two heroic^ brothers, Hardatta ancl Birdatta. In the
battles that follow, Birdatta dies fighting, Hardatta is captured
and court-martialled, and Hardaita’s daughter kills herself
by jumping into the river Brahmaputra to evade captivit> .
The introduction of love stories enlivens narratives which are
laden with the history of AssLm around 1800. Rddh&Rukmini
is yet another historical novel of l^ajanikanta Bardoloi’s. It
deals with the revolt of the Mowamaria sect of Vaisnavites
against the Ahom rule, which broke out towards the middle
of the 18th century. 'J"he novel narrates the heroic exploits of
two Mowamaria heroines Radha and Rukmini. 'fliougli
historical in atmosphere, Bardoloi’s novels do not aim so mucli
at recreating history as at imaginatively depicting the life
of men and women. In doing this he has achieved no mean
success. Bardoloi’s female characters possess siiccial charm.
The lo\'e, fidelity, tenderness, mental resourccl'ulncss, rey)-
lution and extraordinary courage they display in the face of
heavy odds, make his women admirable. Yet the novelist
does not show a great inclination to draw their lull portraits.
He gives, 9 n the other hand, much consideration to plot-
construction, to unusual sensational intidcnls and thrilling
action which in its variety is like a rich tajiestry. Perhaps one
thing more should be said of Bardoloi’s novels and that is that
they exhibit the goodness, beauty, and moral strength of
human life. The novelist further betrays a predilection for
Tantricism and Vaisnavism, and in elucidating Tantric
culture, he seems to have been influenced by Bankim Chattcrjcc.
The plots are ingeniously conceived no doubt; but the writer
does not hesitate to draw in upon the beliefs of ‘people includ-
ing those related to the shadowy deeps of the occult.

Social reform is the aim of two of Dandinath Kalita’s novels
Sadhand and Abiskdr, The leading characters of both, Dina-
bandhu and Madhava, sacrifice all personal happiness *ax the
altar of social purification. In the two women, Rambha and

THE NOVEL AND THE SHORT STORY

171

Pratima, the novelist depicts the problem of fallen women and
suggests its solution. Both the novels reflect thelsocial conscience
of the tirelessly dialectical novelist and hold up forfrriticism
and analysis social injustices and parochialism. The third
novel, Gatfaviplav (The R^olution of the Masses) Hepicts the
Mowamaiia revolution which bfoke out towards the close
of the Ahom rule in Assam. There is a faithtul reproduction
of history, set forth in simple, graphic episodes, but there is not
much of creative imagination in characterisation in this novel.
There is the same lack of fertile ‘imagination that marks his
long poem, Asam Sandhya. Kalita is a realist in his faithful-
ness to the surface; but he is nes^r concerned with nuances of
chaiact('r and situation ihal spring from awareness of the
growth of the human mind in response to critical stimuli.

Daibachandra Talukdar has tried his hand at all the three
literary forms — poetry,* Action and drama. But this lack of
concentration on a single form lias resulted, as itusually does,
in failure to rise above mediocritv. In his novel, the Apuri^a
(The Unfulfilled) is described the chequered tfdreer of a
village youth, Premadhar, who wins through the various
hurdles and hindrances of Afe but onl> to die a ])remature
death. Ilis Afe’s ideals thus remained unfulfilled. The Agneya-
giii (The Volcano) delineates the character of another youth,
Kanak, who comc*s in \ iolent c lash with society and its customs.
Virftoha (The Rebellion) is a kind of comjilementary second,
in which the same Kanak is the leading charactei. In
deflanc e of social customs Kanak marries the widow Aikon,
and both of them espouse the c ause of national liberation.
Whilst Aikon engages herself in n^ral uplift and reorganisation,
Kanak carries on the torch of rebellion from place to place,
moving like a hurricane from Sadiya to Lahore. The story
does not seem to have any lofty intention or a comincing
culmination. The feeble and haggard narrative, not very
lucid in style or smart in tone, appears to be tossmg about in
vain, imaginaly heroics predominating. His stories largely
are mere pretexts for somewhat wordy homiAes.

The outpi/t of fiction in Assamese is, however, limited, and
cAd not reach maturity tiU the last decade. In recent years the
standsCtd has gone up and several new and salutary tendencies
are discernible. From the old romantic sagas, they have now

172

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

gone to realistic and psycho-analytic themes. The present-day
fiction writers hal/e turned their eyes on those who are neglected
by socie^, and try to assess their unique social value. One of
such novels, on the rural life of Assam, is Jivanar Batat (On
the Highway of Life) by Bina Barua (pseudonym of Birinchi
Kumar Barua). In another "novel, Seuji Pfltar Kdhin} (Story of
Green Leaves) tlie author portra\s the life and society of tea-
garden labourers with sympathy. Dinanath Sarma’s Nadai
is also a novel on village life. Sarma lays stress on the character
of Nadai, a cultivator, whose whole life is intimately bound up
with the prosperity of his own village, and he gives a complete
picture of Nadai’s goodness <fnd the hospitality and liberality
of his co-villlagers. Hitesh Deka’s tijir Manuk (The Man of
the Age) and Matt Kar (Who owns the land?) deal with present-
dav life and agrarian problems, and an attempt is made to
evaluate the politiial and social rights "of man. His Bhdtd Gkar
describes a love story round the ever-growing urban housing
problem. Advanath Sarma’s Jipanar TiniAdhy^ (Three Chap-
ters of LifeJ, Chandrakanta Gogol’s Sonai Ndn^al (The Golden
Plough), Govinda Mahanta’s Krsakar Ndti (The Cultivator’s
Descendants) ate some of the outstanding novels of social
study.

Woven round a love story, Navakanta Barua’s Kapilipaiiyd
Sddku depicts the unfortunate tale of the people dwelling
on the bank ol the river Kapili, which changes its course
whimsically every year. In Ddvar dm Ndi (Clouds No More)
Jogesh Das portrays the disruptive effects of the last Worlci
War upon the ethic s and manners of our society. His Sahdit
Pdt and Jondkir Jui deal with love, the strongest of human
emotions, and achieve striking effects by i series of unexpected
situations which serve the purpose of fragmentary mirrors
in a kaleidoscope. Muhammed Piar mostly writes of town
life. His Sangrdm (The Struggle) describes the struggles and
sufferings of middle-class youth, while Herowd Svarga (The
Lost Heaven) depicts the life of a Muslim ‘'family. Some
psychological novels produced during recent years have made
a mark by their realistic technique, depiction of Jthe subcons-
cious motives and urges of the human heart, men and women
being seen as jets of emotional energy drawn from thfc vast,
dark tides of unconscious impulse. Praphulladatta Gkiswami’s

THE NOVEL AND THE SHORT STORY 173

Keca Patar Kapmi (The" Qiiivcring Foliage) describes the
ideological unrest of a young man who malfes a mess of his
own life longing for better things and seeking peace hi beauty,
Goswami’s genius is essentially aesthetic and visionary-
Radhikamohan Goswami^ Caknaiyd (The Vortest) pdrtrays
the life of a frustrated young maftx who cannot adapt himself
to the present-day society. His Bd-M drill (The Whirl-
wind) protests against the whirlwind of modem civilisation
that has uprooted jour serene village life with all its time-
honoured traditions and restful ^ays of life. Birendrakumar
Bhattacharya, in his Rdjpathe Ringiydi (The Call of the
Highway), depicts the life of ®a young revolutionary who
wants to set right the ‘wrongs’ of society. The entire
approach of the author is political and the treatment psy-
chologic al. His Ai ^Mother) is a clear cut story of a poor
Brahman widow struggling against abject poverty and social
insccuritv. lyanuingam is a complex and longetn^narrativc on
the life of the Tangkhul Nagas. The story begins with the
retreat of the Japanese from the Naga Hills, and many social
and political problems that appeared immediatch after the
War are projected in the living images of Naga men and
women. Politics also predominates over the slor) in Syed
Abdul Malik’s Rathar Cakayi Ghiire (Ihe Chariot Wheels
Move) ; the novel appears to be scmi-autobiographical. In
Chabi Ghay (The Picture House), Malik covers psvcho-analysis
and social consciousness. Unforlunatelv the stor\ is lost in the
experiment. Surujmukhir svana is Malik’s latest and successful
creation. This is a romantic tale <*f Gulas who wants to marr\
the fiftcen-year-old Tara but her mother Ka]'»ahi cheats him
and herself managesto marry the young man. Asimat Tdy Herol
Sima (Whose Boundary Lost in the Horizon) by Kanchan
Barua (pseudonym) is a big novel published recently, where
the author seeks to portray an imaginary historical event that
took place thirteen hundred years ago, on the bank of the
great river Difiing, in the north-eastern region of Assam. The
work doubtless has id\llic descriptions in moving language,
ingenious irjvention, and skilfully-wrought emotional com-
plexes, but the elements of fantasy, unreality, and anachro-
nism have made it more or less an absurd fairy-tale for
grown-ups.

174

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

In spite of all these new tendencies and endeavours, fiction
largely is bcingji written even today pn sentimental, erotic
and escal^ist themes to which life does not wholly approximate.
These are very popular among a class of readers, particularly
among middle-class women, who lit»e a drab, bored, depressed
life of domestic cares. Through their reading of these novels
they seek to esrtipe from drab realities and to be 'transported
even for a few hours to the sleepy region of fancy. The po-
pularity of this type of fiction glows ^ong with the wide
spread of literacy, and it ‘will continue to grow till better
books are provided to serve the emotional needs of young
readers. It will be, howe\crt unkind if we do not admire a
lew novels of this class which sjiow competence both in
stor) -telling and in diction. Piemanarayan Datta’s Pranaya)
Suti (The Stream of Love), Niyatv Nlrmali (^The Gatland
of Fate), and Suchibrata Rail houdhur) 's Ba-Mdrali (I’he
Whirlwind) are tolerable productions. For the very same
reasons, thrillers have also become best sellers. The thriller
or detective fiction is new to Assamese literature. 'Ihe late
growth is due to historical reasons. Assam did not have big
towns or cities till the other da\. Now along with the growth ol
big towns and development of trade and commeice, emigration
to towns and business centres has led to various c rimes whic h
are reported in the daily newspapers. These, therefore,
provide themes for thrillers. Premanara>an Datta’s Pd-Phu
series is well known. Most of the detective novels have,
however, neither much inventiv e faculty nor skill to render the
incredible credible; as a result, improbabilities remain
wildly improbable.

The short story is the c hief literary tyj^e that grew in recent
times under the influence of the west. There have been
stories, tales, myths, fables, parable's and anecdotes in Assamese
from very old times. But these differ from the modem short
story profoundly in both matter and technique. It was in
the period culminating in the first World War that the modem
short story emerged as a form to be cultivated separately.
It was fostered by the considerable growth of magazines
and stimulated by the example of foreign masters, Chekhov,
Maupassant, Somerset Maugham and others. The modern
short story is marked by realism. It is a criticism of life. The

THE NOVEL AND THE SHORT STORY

175

notes that appeared in the Aruipday gave varied information
of life all around us ; yet these were not short f tories. Lakshmi-
nath Bezbarua was the first short-story writer in Assamese
who brought an entirely new conception and an entirely
modern approach to thtJ* short story. By close obsefvation
and analytical reasoning, he achieved great success in both
matter and technique, and his short stories ai?e admitted even
today to be the best of their kind in Assamese. His touching
stories depict the nature and life of the people, their joys and
tears, their strength and weakness, their sufferings and
frustrations, in ail their fullness. These stories reveal
B'"/,barua’s profound attention!) to human sympathy with
and wide understanding of the life of .Assamese peasantry,
\shich many' of our educated people understand so little.
!some of his stories arc charming and poetic, haunting the
memory like romantic lyrics. The pleasant aspect of Nature
in Jal-Kvnwari, the terror underlying its glory' in Kanya and
Ratan Munda, Nature’s loveliness and sympathy in Erabdri,
aie all described in an animated style. Bezbania's stories
rentre round rural middlctlass life, and they do not have
about them that weird <'rv of the dispossessed, the oppressed
and the hungry which rings so much in recent stories. Occa-
.Monally he patterns his story with the cjosslights of paradox
and satire. The hypocrisy, deceit, vanity, and blind preju-
dic cs masquerading as orthodo.xy of the higher stratum of
society arc held up to ridicule in some of his stories. Some
other stories ridicule the blind imitation by educated c'illage
1 c>ulh of western habits, dress and customs. He knew
.'Vssamese life very intimately; so he could make the unevent-
ful life of the simply villagers the subject-matter of many
of his entertaining short stories. The most engaging thing
about Bezbarua’s talcs is the essential innocence and sincerity
of his people. His rural stories depict the hopes and fears,
simple joys and sorrows, the temptations and weaknesses,
the deep piety* and superstitions of the rustics as also the
fidelity of rural love.

Sarat Chandra Goswami achieved considerable success
as a writer of short stories, and the collected editions
of hisishort stories, Galpdnjali and Mqyna, contain power-
fully conceived stories happy alike for skilful and conscien-

176

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

dous craftsmanship, for building up of atmosphere, and
for characterisation. They mostly deal with the drab life
of the Assamese villagers, their sorrows and joys, hopes
and fears, their simple and languorous love, and their
thrifty activities. In Bamriya Pri^ya (Wild Love) in the
Maynd collection is described the romantic love of a Miri
youth and maiden, whose union is disapproved by their
parents. The pair then plunged together into the mighty
Brahmaputra. People think that they have committed suicide.
In fact, however, they do riot die. Being creatures of water,
they swim ashore, reach a distant village, and settle down
there as man and wife. The story gives a pleasant picture of
the simple life of the Miris. The story Madram gives a realistic
picture of tribal life. The Kachari youth, Nadram, goes
to France in the First World War. During his long absence
his wife espouses another Kachari youth, Bhatiram, of the
same village. Returning home, Nadram conies to know of
what has happened. Ho complains to the Dcjjuty Commis-
sioner, vflio orders Bhatiram to restore the woman to
Nadram. Nadram wins the case, but is dcc|)ly moved at
the thought of how the woman would c ommit suit ide if she
were torn from Bhatiram. Without malice or grudge and
with almost superhuman nobility, he lets her live happily
with the man of her choice. Several other stories deal with
illicit love, but nowhere is there any lapse into unrefined
taste or feeling, nor is there any unnaturalness anywhere.
Ydtri (The Traveller) is another story dealing with illegiti-
mate love. Godadhar nearly succumbs to the charms of
Santi; but the fear of social ostracism jiroves a powerful
deterrent. He flees from her and save? himself. In Brahma-
putrar Bukat (Into the Bosom of the Brahmaputra) a
married woman, who had a secret love-affair with a second
man, ends her distressed life by jumping into the river Brah-
maputra. In more stories than one, Goswami has drawn
vivid pictures of the pathetic life of girl-widbws. Free from
bias and sophistication, sensitive and profoundly realistic,
Goswami records his observation of human nature and
frailty with the most sober sincerity.

In his stories, Nagendranarayan Ghowdhury inttoduced
new subjects and a novel mode of treatment.

THE NOVEL AND THE SHORT STORY

177

Lakslixninath Phukan is noted also as a short-story, writer.
Six short stories, written at different per^ds, have been
collected and published in Ophdidang (The Bombast)* These
stories contain entertaining character-studies of modem
educated hollow men and women. The story Mafnmdmqyt
(The Glorified Woman) deals w.ith a woman of that name,
wife of the head-cleik of a tea-garden, who practised austere
economy at home, but who ultimately, was compelled to
spend all her savings through the trickery of a youthful relative
of hers. The story is entertaining from beginning to end
and contains homely pictures. Tdipistar Jivan (Life of a
Typist) is a sad story of the miserable life of Manik Saikia,
a typist. For a pittance this typist over-worked himself, often
working extra hours at oince, and ultimately fell ill and died
prematurely. The death of this dutiful typist and ideal em-
ployee was mourned in the office and a condolence resolution
was passed. The proprietor of the Chaudhury j^others Com-
pany , the firm where the typist worked, promised to hang a
portrait of Manik Saikia in the office room at a cpst of three
hundred rupees. A timely dole of one third of this amount
would have saved the life of the object of so much of grateful-
ness and adoration. Lakshminath Phukan uses spoken language
and idioms with nice discrimination and great telling effect.
A sense of humour is an additional virtue of his fascinating
and picturesque writings.

The short stories, written in lighter vein and depicting the
life of the middle classes, that arc now being written by
Mahichandra Bora, have not much of the vitality and graphic
quality of his pre-war stories, mostly published in the Awdhan.
Yet none can deny them literary distinction. The chief
feature of Mahi Bora’s short-stories is charming description
of the healthy, contented middle-class life of Assam, of its
capacity to lead an uncomplaining and uninsinuating stoic
existence even in the teeth of want, and of life’s little ironies.
A consummati* artist of the short-story. Bora has a chaste
style and an urbane humour introduced either for just simple
amusement or with the object of exposing the absurdity of
some ch2U*acter or situation. His stories are matchless in
Assamese alike in creating certain types of men and women
whom we meet in our everyday dealings, and in thdr plot-

12

175 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

construction, narration, humour, urbanity, and spontaneity and
ease in character-projection. He has a flood of imaginative
energy tjiat breaks through all the dykes of customary solem-
nity and gravity and carves its own wayward channels of pure
and sustaiped humour or irony,

Another elder short-story writer is Haliram Deka who
brings to bear gn his writings a deeper unalysis of character
and satire. Alakdlai Cithi (Letters to Alaka) is a collection
of letters addressed to an imaginary Alaka. Through
these separate letters the, author has tried to weave an
epistolary novel. But the chief merit of‘ the book lies not
in its narrative but in its analytical flair. Dcka’s j)rose style
is dignified and thoughtful.

Lakshmidhar Sarnia was premkturely cut off. Most of
his short stories lie scattered in the magazine, Awdkan. A
collection of five stories were publishod in the fonn of a book
l^artkatdr Ddn {The Gift of Frustration). The story, Vidrohini
(The Rebellious Woman), is a fearless statement of the sad
plight of tjie girl- widow Lalita, and her ( ourageous defiance of
the cruel and rigid conventions of society which thwart
satisfaction of primary instincts. Here she defies a society
that has become static and hypocritically rigid and formal.
In another story, Sirdj^ the love between Sita and Anil,
which blossoms gradually, withers suddenly because of
Anil’s fear of society which has, in the meantime, dis-
covered that Sita was born out of wedlock. She is pitilessly
forsaken by the cowardly Anil. The story Lild is a trenchant
criticism of modern civilization and irrational social conven-
tions. Lakshmidhar gave the Assamese short story dignity,
substance and popularity.

In Lakshmidhar Sarma’s stories, for the first time woman
and the seemingly freakish workings of her primary emotion
find a place. He was succeeded by a host of other writers
who also dwelt on the inner movements of impulse in modern
women. They were Bina Barua, Roma Das and others. Bina
Barua’s Pat-Paribartan (Change of Scene) is a collection of
stories mostly on the life of college girls and their shallow,
ever-shifting, sentimental love afiairs. He has written also
on rural life, and the leading story, AghotjXbdi^ included in
the collection of rural stories bearing that name, is a

THE NOVEL AND THE SHORT STORY

*79

memorable one, depicting the village woman Agho^ibai — ever
helpful to every vill^er, even in the face oij personal distress.
It contains a rich gallery of vivid portraits of rural life daintily
and significantly done. What attracts readers to Roma Das
is his perfect craftsmanship as a writer of short stories.* Vivid-
ness of description, charm of dialogue, solidity of thought,
and an extraordinary rapacity to record nicely discriminated
and artfully proportioned differences of feeling in language —
all these make his short stories some of the very best we ha\ e
in Assamese. Most of his stories deal with departures from
accepted social canons and aberrations of conventional love,
and to this task the writer ha% brought psycho-analysis and
sympathy.

Trailokyanath Goswaini is another distinguished writer
of short stories especially of the realistic variety. His tw^o
collections, Aiund and Mancikd (Mirage), contain stories
which arc veritable slices from life around jjs. The story
Jayrdj^ included in Arund, is one of considerable power, and
dei)icts the cruel scorn and social tyranny to wJhirh Ratan,
born out cl wedlock, is subjected. In another story,
Vidhavd (The Widow), the writer depicts the social tyranny
and oi)pression which victimise a helpless mother and
her unfortunate daughter, both widojvs, and render their
lives hel})lcssly tragic. The pillar of the village society,
Mandal, is a great tyrant who prevents the villagers from cre-
mating the dead body if Proniila’s mother. Mandal’s own
son, however, brings a ray of hope. Quite disregarding his
father’s opposition, and in the darkness of a foul night, he
carries the dead body to the burning ghat. This opens the
eyes of all, including; the intriguing father, who, full of remorse,
subsequently joins the cremation. l"hc stories of Maricikd
are devoted largely to the ills which came in the wake of the
Second World War. Goswami’s Jiyd-Mdmh (The Lhing
Man) is a short novel devoted to the same topic of dwindling
social morality and the consequent withering away of all
spontaneous and noble feelings that the war brought about,
and the refonns that have become imperative in the changed
society. *

Tho«e short-story writers who wrote after Lakshmidhar
Sanna and up to the Second World War, were influenced

180 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UTERATURE

by Sigmund Freud. To the influence of Freud must be
ascribed the breakdown of age-old inhibitions, and the pre-
occupation with sex which presently became the dominant
feature of the modem s hort story as well as of the novel.
Freudian psycho-analysis, which opened the way to the ex-
ploration of the sub-conscious and unconscious, gave the short-
story writers an •opportunity to dwell mote ancl mbre on the
mind of their characters. The sanctity of sex having been
removed, the short story writers accepted illegitimate, un-
inhibited lovc-romance and- unrestricted sex attraction and
gratification without hesitation as if these were as real as
the other facts of life. Hence in describing sexual love and
adcocating freedom in sex-relations^ they felt no scruple or
doubt or delicacy. On the contrary the sex urges were felt
by them as manifestations of a cosmic force which they
described in religious terms. They tried to give a new inter-
pretation of the primal relationship subsisting between man
and woman against the new social and individual background
and in a broad Freudian context.

After the Second World War, how'ever, this attitude has
undergone a change. The short story today is preoccupied
with the ])roblcms of the middle class, the labourers and the
peasants. The new social and economic environment, the
incongruities, the inequalities of opportunities — these have
become the ordinary postulates of the short story of today.
It is concerned with the social, political and moral upheavals
brought about by the Second World War, and is trying to
assess the new values. It contrasts the contentment of the
peasant life of the earlier social order with the discontent,
misery, oppression, tyranny and explqitation that labour
has to undergo in the new social order and the anger and
sense of revenge roused in consequence.

One of the short-story writers who became popular after
the War is Syed Abdul Malik. Unlike most other Assamese
story-writers and novelists who lack sustained devotion,
Syed Abdul Malik has stuck to the short story for nearly
the past two decades, and he is just now the most favourite
story-writer. His sustained productions show the evolution
of his technique which is powerful, individual and adequate.
Starting with romantic love, he has covered also psycho-

THE NOVEL AND THE SHORT STORY 181

analysis and social consciousness. Most of his stories have a
sex appeal, particularly to urban youths %nd maidens. In
them, with the help of psycho-analysis, he rouses inquisitive
interest, often forging in the smithy of a fallen soul the un-
created conscience of his age. He shows how difTAcnt mental
states — ^the weakness and ficklehcss of modern Eves, their
fall from accepted ethical standards and* the consequent
transitory sense of victory — react against the circumstances.
The stories, Ses UpakQlar Seluwa Par (The Mossy Bank on the
last Edge of Land), Prdn Herowir Pachat (After the Soul was
Lost), Jfowar dru Upak&l (The Tidal Bore and Coast), and
Marahd Pdpari (The Faded Petal), contained in the collec-
tion bearing the last-named title, are devoted to a psycho-
analytical dissection of the female mind. In several stories
unlawful but overwhelming love has been treated with
sympathy. The author* appears to be trying to revolutionise
the conventional attitude towards these matters and re-
educate the modern Assamese mind by suggesting that ideas
about chastity, personal purity, eU., arc not absolute but
relative to society, time and circumstances. He finds abundant
humanity and dignity even in some of the so-called social
outcasts, whose fall was but accidental, and in the misfortunes
with which life abounds. Some of Malik’s recent stories
bring out the conflicts of the rich and the poor, of the society
and the individual, and the lack of harmony in the middle-
class people in the new economic set-up. The story Sto
Maril (He too died) describes in a superb manner how in
the unjust economy prevailing in society many a man of
genius is subdued ancl untimely cut off. Malik has brought
into the Assamese short- story a ]Jowerful and new technique.
All that he writes is impregnated with a fine, candid and
charitable spirit and is marked by subtle distinction in
workmanship.

Dinanath Sarma's stories hav" been published in four
collections - (1952), Akahaiid (The Loneh, 1953\

Kowd Bhdtuiid Othar Talat (Behind False Lips), and Kafpand
dru Vd^tav ^(Imagination and Realitv, 1955). Most of his
stories deal with illegitimate love. A large number of Sarma’s
storie? give ugly and revolting portraits of women. In
one single story, Phetigom (The Cobra), included in the

182

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

collection Kowa Bhdturia Othar Talat^ there are several such
galling portraits? It is clear that the writer has no abiding
sympathy for the fair sex. There arc, however, a few noble
exceptions, where the fears and silent sufferings, the helpless
wandering^ in Ihe labyrinths of a woman’s life, the complexes
and conflicts, are brought^ out impressively in a psycho-
analytical aesthetic study.

The collection Kowd Bhdturia Othar Talat contains several
stories patterned after Zola and Maupassant and flavoured
with the spices of strange lands from across the seas. These
deal with the love affairs of queer people of different nationa-
lities against the backgrouiTd of the Second World War.
Except for these, most of Dina Sanaa’s stories confiLe them-
selves to Assam (both rural and urban) and the Assamese.
Some stories like Sfrhatna in Kalpand dru Vdstav also contain
idyllic description of Assamese villages. Dina Sanaa’s chief
defect is lack of felicitous expression.

Hemen Bargohain is both a poet and a short -story writer,
and so far Tie has brought out two collections of short stories,
Bibhinna Koidc and Prem dm Mrttyur Kdiane (For Love and
Death). Bargohain is mostly preoccupied with the Freudian
theory of the libido, and naturally his stories have a strong
tendency towards sex and factual realism. He, however,
exhibits ability to produce effects wdth a balanced style and
economy of words.

In both his novels and short stories Padma Barkakati too
throws off restraints of conventions and makes sex the all-
powerful theme. Saurabh Chaliha is another preunising writer
who writes sarcastically of men and women cfl' a decaying
soc iety .

Bhaben Saikia, LakshminandanBora and Mohim Bora, this
trio, have deep sympathy, insight and understanding of village
]3eople and their way of life. In their stories they are keen
observers of folk and rural situations.

Reference has already been made to the changes that came
'over our literature after the War. These changes have been
reflected in the matter and technique of the slujrt story loo.
The short story, appropriate literary entertainment of busy
modern life, is popular alike with readers and with Writers,
who, drawn mostly from young students of schools and

THE NOVEL AND THE SHORT STORV

183

colleges, find it easy to handle. Brought up on Western edu-
cation and influenced by Freud and Matx, these young
writers want a new assessment of values — literary, aesthetic,
philosophical, religious and social. They want the existing
values to be subjected to scientific scrutiny. Social* behaviour,
aristocracy^ purity ,of conduct hnd moral earnestness- all
these are to be defined again. With the telp of psycho-
analysis these writers have dived deep into the dark waters
of the human mind. The tameness and laxity of conjugal
bliss, romance, the craze for novelty, the natural magnetism
of unlawful love, the thrill of companionate marriages —
these seem to be their paramouiA concerns. They also inquire
into the economic relati^ship of the rich and the poor, of
the landlord and the cultivator, and ad\ocate a better
treatment of the have-nots.

These young story -writers, swayed by the liberal, realistic
t iir rents of European thought and questioning, are equally
intent on being true to the life or the incidents of life w^hich
they want to portray. They imagine that their SMvation as
literary artists demands realism in every sphere. So along
with realism in theii subject-matter, realism in language
lias also been adopted; and all earlier unwritten taboos
against writing of anything which might be regarded as in-
decent, profane or even vulgar, are deliberately discarded.
It is true that if any literature is to go on flourishing, it is
bound to emerge from ‘the trance of suspended faith’. But
it is equally true that mere change is not alwa\s a symbol of
prc:>gress and that every new experiment in literary form or
content is seldom a milestone on the road to aesthetic perfection.

CHAPTER

PROSE : GENERAL

f

Mention has already been made of how modem Assamese
prose made its beginnings under the auspices of the American
Baptist Mission and their Assamese co-workers. Anandaram
Dhekial Phukan, Gunabhiram Barua and Hemchandra
Bama gave the final stamp *to its grammar and made it a
vehicle for the spread of education and social refo.Ttn, and
for exposition of history, science, philosophy and metaphysics.
Their works were mainly frigid essays, or attempts at prose
composition devoid of that flow and style which was to appear
later on. It was Lakshminath Bezbarua who for the first
time freed Assamese prose somewhat from the weight of
idesis and' *^matter, and made it dynamic. Impersonal or
objective styles now yield place to personal and subjective
ones. To Bezbarua goes the credit of the introduction of
sketches and informal essays and the use of humour as an
instrument for the correction of social evils. Like Chesterton,
Bezbarua succeeded in inventing a form half-way between
the essay and the short story, promising light entertainment.
It is this that gives his essay s their exquisitely amusing quality',
turning a multitude of homely topics and daily trifles into
material for hearty laughter. Bezbarua created in his essays
and belles lettres the character of Kripabar Barbarua, in
imitation of the eccentric Tory country '^quire. Sir Roger de
Coverley, and exposed and bantered the foibles and the false
arts of Assamese life and manners typified in Kripabar’s
idiosyncrasies. His delightful series of essays under the cap-
tion Barbaruar Bhdvai Bwhuiarji (Barbarua’s Bubbles of
Thought) are well known in Assam. They touch upon
topical themes for the most part, making fun of the hollow
men and institutions of the country. They are sedate and
composed, like easy conversation within the restraints of
decorum, although they are refreshingly flavoured' with
humour. Sharp observation brought to bear on contemporary

prose: general

185

life and problems and fondness for good-humoured banter
in preference to heavy and angry satire, %nake the essays
amusingly appealing; they make us happier and wiser when
we read them. But his essays have some faults too, the most
prominent being the diffuslness such as one finds in Montaigne.

Satyanath Borah, (1860-1925) ’was another leading prose
writer. He wrote a number of sketches in which he satirised
the little vanities and the social vices of his time. These have
been incorporated in his Kendra Sahha. But more representative
of his distinctive prose style aA his Sdrathi, Cintakali, and
Sdhitya Viedr. His essays in Sdrathi (The Guide) and Cintakali
(Buds of Thought) are thouglftful, close-knit, secular com-
positions. In these essays on the Universe, Mission of Life,
Duty, Determination, Character, Uses of Riches, etc., the
writer uses literature as an instrument of progress, education
and information. An oi5ginal and deep thinker, his sentences
have the directness, epigrammatic brevity and^ concentrated
wisdom of aphorisms. ‘Knowledge removes the darkness of
the mind’, ‘Thought is the digestiv'e organ of ’the mind’,
‘Superstition is an obstacle to progress’, ‘Treasures of books
are like hoarded gold’, ‘The world is merely a stream of life’,
‘Procrastination loses opportunities’, ‘Practice dissoh'es hard
work as acid does gold’ —such sentences*, like those of Bacon,
are well-ordered and arc free from circumlocution. Through
these essays Satyanath Borah standardised the language,
rehabilitated the grammar and idiom, and impregnated the
Assamese essay with a new, compact, sinewy style and a
mature philosophic tone.

Kaliram Medhi was one of those who were dedicated to
letters all through hfe.* Besides editing some old Assamese
manuscripts on modem lines, he also wrote a comprehensive
and comparative treatise on Assamese language and grammar.
Medhi has also to his credit a number ol antiquarian articles
devoted to Assam's ancient litcratiire and culture. A master
of a sober prose st\le, Kaliram reminds us of Satyanath
Borah.

Another wyiter of the class of Satyanath Borah was Padma-
nath Gohain Barua, of whose poetry and drama we have
spoken* elsewhere. Like Bezbarua, Gohain Barua also was a
founder-editor of U^d (The Dawn) and the Asam Banti

186

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

(The Light of Assam), the two periodicals to which the
Utcrary activity 6f the first quarter of the 20th century owes
much of its inspiration and guidance. Gohain Barua himself
contributed to the pages of these two journals a large number
of articles bn a wide range of sul^ccts. He also compiled a
series of well-written text-b6oks for our schools, and though
they may not cfaim any literary eminence, no one will deny
that they have contributed in no small measure towards the
creation of a lucid, direct and lively prose ilyle which a young
man may easily cultivate. Bbt as a prose writer Gohain Barua’s
eminence rests on his monumental work, S>i Krst^a, a biogra-
phical teatisc on IjOrd Krsna, published in three thick volumes.
The book discloses the influence of Bankimthandra Chatterji’s
Kr^nacariha both in unfolding and in interpreting the
Knna legend from a rational and human point of view.
Hero for the first time in Assamese wh find historical analysis
and critical enquiry applied to the study ol the life of Lord
Ki^na, who is admired and exalted by the author not so
much as arf A vatdt or incarnation of God but as a great man.

Kamalakanta Bhattacharya was another forceful writer in
whose religious and sociological essays a spirit of rational
enquiry is manifest. Kamalakanta embraced Brahmoism;
he was a monotheisf, and his mind and outlook on religion
were liberal. His series of essays known as Gutidiyek Cintar Dheu
(A Few Waves of Thought) were written in the spirit of a
crusader and they disclose a remarkable power of analysis, ar-
gumentation and critical judgment. Kamalakanta’s didactic
essays are instinct with a sense of social justice and embody
a strong reaction and protest against the undue domination
of the priestly class. They abo reveahhis dislike of servile
worship of authority, decaying traditions, blind rituals, dead
customs, and all that tends to fetter the human mind. He
wrote numerous stimulating essays condemning the caste
system, worn-out and out-moded social codes and traditions,
superstitions, and rigid and preposterous Hindu rituals, and
advocating western education, a liberal attitude to religion,
widow re-marriage and so on and so forth. In Jib Astavakrar
Atmajivani (Autobiography of Astavakra), instead of pre-
senting the Hindu religion as it is in the Upa^isad^, the Gita
and other scriptures, he interprets it in his own way and reads

prose: GElNTERAL 187

into it ideas and meanings which will stand modern test and
reasoning.

Ambikagiri Roychaudhury 's prose writings appeared chiefly
in Cetana, which is now defunct, and Dekd Asam (Young
Assam), two periodicals whith he himself edited. Some of
the articles arc collected in a Book, Ahuti (Offering). The
articles were written on contemporary happenings and po-
litical problems, especially those of Assam, and they arc
informed by a deep love for the Assamese people, their culture
and heritage. He has a style of lus own, which is very much
cxhortalory, and its charm is attributed to its dee]> and stately
periods, drawn out and amplified like organ music. Full
of verve, skipping, hissing and hitting, his phrases are like
ex])losives, scattering colour and sound about them. Rugged
and gaunt, his sentences reveal a ])ersonality that is intensely
sincere and genuine. I?is language cannot keej) pace with
his emotions, and the result, sometimes, *is obscurity.
Roychaudhury has already crossed the 70th year of his life;
but in virility of thought and power of devotioiT,* he easily
beats a young man hollow.

Jagannath Borah is one of the thoughtful writers on con-
temporary social and literary problems. E.xpository in nature,
his prose is marked by cLcrily of thought, racincss of ex-
pression, and idiomatic style.

Hemchandra Goswami (1872-1928) was an antiquarian and
historian in his mental make-up. Yet he also published
in his youth a collection of romantic poems, Phular Jhdki.
But later, history proved to him an irresistible attraction, and
he brought to light a cast deal of material from the Ahom
period. He edited the Purani Asam-Buranjf, a charming old
chronicle of Assam, and edited and published the Daiang
Rdj-Vamidvali an illustrated semi-historical record of the
Koch Kings written in the 1 8th century by Surjyakhari
Daivajna. But his monumental work was Typical Selections
from Assameie Litoatute in several volumes published by
Calcutta University. In this work, Goswami brought together
selected specimens of the writings of numerous known and
unknown authors, and thus ensured their preservation.
Another notable work* of his, also i)ublished by Calcutta
University, was A Descriptive Catalogue of Assamese Manusciipts,

188

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UTERATURE

whim'll is an indispensable guide for any enquiry into old
Assamese literafure. Goswami also scientifically edited and
published the Kathd-Gitd (Gita in Prose) of the immortal
Bhattadeva of the Vaisnvite period. He contributed ar-
ticles of miscellaneous interest^ scientific, antiquarian, critical,
to the different^ journals or his time. M9.rked by originality,
steadiness, and the scientific spirit, these articles have none
of the vague and visionary gleam, the dreamy imagination
and poetic rapture found in his veme. Cool reasoning, chaste
idiom and precise and incisive phraseology — these make
his st)le eminently suitable for such serious discussion. A
new and penetrating precisfon is Goswami's special contri-
bution to modern Assamese prose.#

The general advance in knowledge and the growth of
research into national affairs, which are the features of the
new age, quickly brought the study of Assam history into
prominence, and within a short period there occurred the
swift rise of historic al literature to a place of importance in
the hands' of Banikanta Kakati, Sur>a Kumar Bhu>an,
Sonaram Chaudhury, Sarveswar Kataki, Kali Ram Medhi,
Benudhar Sarma and others. Sur> a Kumar Bhu' an has been
carrying on researches in Ahom history since his college days.
In him critical enquiry reaches its acme. He systematically
edited a number of Ahom chronicles and got them published
by the Assam State Department of Historical and Antiejuanan
Studies. Surya Kumar Bhuyan is a poet and story-writer too.
The poem, ‘Apon Sur’, included in the collection Ntrmdli^
is an autobiographical fragment embod\ ing the poet’s eternal
desire to annihilate space and time and link his soul with
infinity and eternity. It is for the unattainable that the ro-
mantic poet cries; and that, according to Carlyle, is proof of
his greatness. Though he has written a number of things
about man’s sorrows and joys, the poet feels as if he has not
fully realised his true self, and that inadequate expression is
poetry \ great stumbling-block.

Surya Kumar is, however, known more widely for his
historical writings. His cssa)s on Assam’s history written at
different times are now collected in Ahomar Dm (The Ahom
Times), Asam-jiyari (The Daughters of Assam), 'Buranjlr
Bdni (The Message Chronicle), Mhjumldr Asam Akraman

prose; general

^89

(Miijumla’s Invasion of Assam), Kunu'dr Bidroh (The
Rebellion of Ahom, Princes), etc. In Kumivar Bidroh, the
author selects a few significant incidents and striking figures
from a mass of historical detail and shapes them to most dra-
matic and stirring narratiA^fes. These essays of Suryya Kumar
have suggested many historical plays by our writers. Bhuyan
has devoted all his hfe to historical research, And in his inves-
tigation and re-construction of Assam’s past, he is mostly
guided by the western method of impartial enquiry and
objectivity. Moreover, in selection and presentation of sub-
jet ts he does not confine himself to the study of great historical
personages but deals also with ths political, social and religious
life and cultural milieu ^ as to give us a full and faithful
picutre of Assam during the Ahom age. His literary style is
simple and direct and modelled after the Burafijis. Bhuyan
is our noted word-reviver too; in his historical writings many
old and obsolete words and expressions from^the Buranjis
are wonderfully introduced. Bhuy'an also has written a modern
biography of the great Sanskrit st holar of Assam, Asiandaram
Barua. In biographical literature, this is definitely a work of
a \ ery high order. The late scholar’s life has been re-captured
through a proper sifting of a vast deal of material, great and
small, and piecing them together in a scientific way.

The tradition started by Hem" Chandra Goswami and
Surya Kumar Bhuy'an has found new adherents, and several
scholars have engaged tlicmselves in research into Assam’s
past history and literature, and in editing and publishing old
manuscripts. Of them Benudhar Sarma is the sturdiest. The
essays contained in his Durbi^ (The Telescope) exhibits
the author's historicty^ sense and fondness for original sources
of information. In depicting the lives of the Ahom kings,
generals and princesses, the author uses these materials in a
fascinating manner and makes the narrative of absorbing
interest. He has also written an entertaining biography of
Maniram Dewftn, the earliest revolutionary leader of Assam,
who first rose against the British in the 19th century. Here too
Sarma’s historical imagination prevails, and as a result we
not only come to know much of the revolutionary hero and
patriots but also visualize that soft and bewildered age in
which Maniram Dewan hoisted the banner of revolt and

190 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UTERATURE

inspired his countrymen to heroic sacrifice. Master of a rich,
varied and racy prose, Benudhar Sanpa has distinct indi-
viduality in his st>lc and has a strength of his own.

Alongside these various forms of prose there has also de-
veloped a i)ody of literature with' the object of interpreting
literature. Literary iriticism was not known in Assamese
till the impact 'of the west. This critical literature as a type
was first begun in the pages of the Arunoday and is continued
later on by other journals. But the early criluisms were
mere catalogues of the meiits and defects of men and books.
I'he first major critical book was L. N. Bezbarua’s biographical
treatise, Sankaiadeva. In thk critical study, Bezbarua gave
not only a just estimate of the life and teachings of Sankarade\^a
in a rational and restrained way, but also a brilliant a])prc-
ciation of the literary works of the Vaisnavite reformer.

Banikanta Kakati is another n^ajor literary critic to
appreciate the growing status of Assamese literature as a
subject worthy of serious study. His studies in ancient
Assamese- literature w^cre published in instalments in the
periodical, Cetand. He studied some modern poets also. An
eminent scholar and professor of English literature, Kakati
had deep knowledge of Sanskrit too. His monumental work,
Assaniy its Foimation and Development (in English), bears testimony
to his profound erudition. This book happens to be the only
scholarly and authoritative work on Assamese language and
grammar. A scholar of wide study and great depth, Kakati
knew both the oriental and the occidental ideals of life and
ways of critical judgment, and this knowledge made his
critical appreciations weighty, rich and attractive. His essays
on ancient Assamese literature are the finest of their kind in
Assamese. Master of a terse, well-chiselled and dignified
style, Kakati, in these essays, explores not only the literary
beauties, j^hilosophkal heights and technical excellences of
Assam’s ancient literature but also the social, rcligiou’'! and
cultural background of the people of those times. The spirit
of the age, an intense and permeating interest in religion,
seems to be with him in these studies. The result is that these
essays have brought to light the comprehensive spiritual history
of the Assamese peojile of those times, as nothing else has.
His second set of studies, viz^ of the modern Assamese poets,

prose: general

^91

is obviously on western lines of comparative criticism, and
in this his vast western studies are freely laid under contri-
bution. These studies are remarkable for their amazing
fertility of wit, profound and penetrating ideas, and full
maturity and perfection o5 a prose style pre-eminejitly •suited
to critical analysis. His contributions, however, do not end
here. His articles oil Assam Vaisgavism published one after
another in the monthly magazine, Bijuli (The Lightning),
established Kakati as a dialectician of the first order, and
before his scholarship, home-thrusts and precision his adver-
saries found it difficult to hold their ground in the controversy
which occasioned the essays. scientific spirit informs all
his critical studies. In his hands Assamese prose style attained
its maturity and became a worthy vehicle for the expression
of high and abstract thought.

Dimbeswar Neog has*written several histories of Assamese
literature, old and modem, and these contain valuable infor-
mation. He has also published some studies of individual
authors in his Asamiya Sahityar Jilingani (Glimpses cJP Assamse
Literature). These studies are coloured and attuned by the
spirit and sensibilities of the writer under discussion rather
than by those of the critic himself.

*

The first noteworthy treatise on pure literary criticism
was, however, Sdhitya Vicar by Satyanath Borah in which
both Indian and English methods of literary assessment were
briefly described. Nilmoni Phukan’s Sdhitya Kald follow^s
his own standards and methods and one cannot but recognise
a new and original approach in it. Birinchi Kumar Barua's
Kdvya dru Abhivydnjai^d is a more standard text in which he
follows Benedetto Croce, the Hindi author Lakshminarayan
Singha, and several other English, Hindi and Bengali autho-
rities. In Kdvya Bhumiy Uinakanta Sarma studies the philo-
sophical basis and background of art. In Sdhitya dru Samdlo^
cand Trailokyiwialh Goswami deals with literature, in the
manner of Hudson, in a simple and lucid style. While ad-
mitting both Indian and European standards, he illustrates
his points with extracts from Assamese literature, which
makes his book easy of approach. Hem Barua, in his Adhunik
Sdhitya^ studies certain periods of English literature with

192 ' HISTORY OF ASSAMESE UFERATURE

particular reference to modem trends. The work discloses
the deep learning of the writer in modem English literature.
Hem Barua’s Sanmikali (Assorted), a collection of essays
written on different occasions, is at the same time delightiUl
and serious, ranging from Egyptian history to Einstein,
open-air theatre to feminine beauty. Yet these essays arc
so much ilavoiercd with personal opinions and p*edantic al-
lusions that the reader’s interest in the subjects is naturally
swamped. Lightness of touch and personal charm make his
travel books more endeaiiing. His Sagar Dekhichd (Have
You Seen the Sea?) and Ranga Karabir Phul are absorbing
diaries of his travels in America and Russia respectively.
They are written in the literary style by a sensitive observer
of men and manners.

Sahityar RSparekhd by Atul Chandra Barua is a good mtro-
durtion to the study of literature in all its ramifications.

The present age has been particularly marked by a growing
interest in the study of Assamese literature, history and
culture, ard after the attainment of independence several
scholars have considered it to be a serious national duty to
enquire into the past, in order to find out and retain all that
was best in it. Upendra Chandra Lekharu, in his critical treatise,
Asamiya Ramdyaiia Sdhitya, studies, on modern lines, the
Assamese version of the Rdmdyana by Madhava Kandali and
examines both the subject-matter and the poetic technique
of the great poet. Birinchi Kumar Barua enquires into the
origin and evolution of Assamese prose in his Asamiyd Kathd
Sdhitya. Barua’s Aiamiyd Bhdsd diu Sariiskriti (Assamese
Language and Culture) is a collection of original essays
about various aspects of Assamese life apd culture untouched
so far by other writers. Barua has also edited some rare
books, Ankiyd Ndt, Mahdmoha Kdvya and Sit Rdm Ata diu
Ramdnandar Git. In the prefaces to these books, he has criti-
tically examined the characteristic features, traditions, and
excellences of old Assamese literature. Harhiarayan Datta
Barua, Maheswar Neog and Satyendranath Sarma also
have edited some old Assamese texts on modem scientific
lines and have thrown considerable light upon them. Neog’s
Purafti Asamiyd Samdj dm Sathskfiti,.,Asamtyd Giti Katya and
Asamiyd Premgdthd, are collections of well-written essays on

prose: general

193

early Assamese literature and society, incorporating the
results of the author’s own investigations. Through their
writings these scholars have charted the growth and deve-
lopment of the Assamese language and culture, and have
discovered the continuity of the Assamese genius.

Interest in the cultural and folk-life of the Assamese people
was first shown by Lakshminath Bezbarua, Nakul Chandra
Bhuyan and Dimbeswar Neog in their collections of folk-tales
and songs. In recent years, there have come out many valuable
and impressive writings on folk-literature, notable among
which is Praphulladatta Goswami’s informative and entertain-
ing Asamiyd Jana Sdhitya.

Books on philosophy and popular science have begun gra-
dually to make their appearance, and a few thinkers and
writers have already established their reputations. Radhanath
Phukon is an outstanding writer of philosophical treatises,
and Rohinikanta Barua has been enriching Assamese literature
with his writings on scientific subjects.

Literary journals, newspapers and periodicals have come to
exercise a great influence on modern trends in Assamese litera-
ture, and some of the different literary epochs have been
named after leading journals like Arunoday^ Jondkiy Bdhi and
Awdhan. Each new journal is the rallying point of writers of a
new school of thought, and in successive monthly issues their
views and literary ideals are enunciated, expressed and prac-
tised. These journals thu5 define the age and give it its name.

Mention has already been made of Aru noday —xh.^ earliest of
the modern monthly periodic^^ls, published by Christian
Missionaries from Sibsagar. The Assamese A)unodayy like its
Bengali and Oriya counterparts, not only published current
news but also contained material of varied interest— educational,
cultural, literary. In addition to news items it also published
stories from far and near and matters of general information,
scientific knowledge, and useful knowledge of everyday life.
It is in the pages of Am noday that we find the first florescence of
modern Assamese literature. The magazine gave literary
status and dignity to the spoken language of the people in both
poetry and prose, and, broadly speaking, the language thus
cvolve^d continues to be the standard language of Assamese
literature even today.

13

194

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

The next major literary journal was the famous Jonaki
(Moonlight, 1889), with which were < associated stalwarts
like Chandra Kumar Agarwalla, Lakshminath Bezbarua,
Hemchandra Goswami, Kanaklal Barua, and others. Through
this journal, the writers spread in Assamese the ideas of the
English romantic poets. Via (Dawn, 19Q7) appeared under
the editorship of Padmanath Gohain Barua, while the Bahi
(Flute, 1909) was edited by Lakshminath Bezbarua. These
two literary magazines with different ideals ran parallel and
were frequently engaged in'Tongdrawn polemiis on literary
and sometimes social problems. But such controversies under
the stewardship of two great 'masters contributed in no small
measure to the enrichment of Assamese bterature. Prose,
poetry, the short story, the historical dissertation, the essay —
all the types were cultivated in their pages.

Next came out, in 1929, Aivdhan, j^ublished from Calcutta
for about ten years, that is, up to the outbreak of the World
War II. This magazine was most popular and creditably
maintained' a high literary standard. It created a reading
public, intensified popular interest, served as a model, and
also reared a band of enthusiastic writers. New ideas and fa-
shions in literature, the short story, scientific literary criticism —
these were the special merits of this magazine. Speculative,
philosophic, reflective and argumentative prose, which has
declined today in Assamese, was greatly fostered in the pages
of Avoahan. Another journal, Jayanti, published just before the
War, created a stir by encouraging young writers to experiment
in various forms of literature. In its pages for the first time we
see the flashes of the new poetry.

After the war were born the two newspapers — the daily
Natun Asamlya, and the weekly Asam Bdtfi, as well as the mon-
thly magazine, Rdmdhem (Rainbow). The review of books
and other feature articles published in the Sunday issues of the
Natun Asatntya reflect the new ground made by writers of today.
Natun Asamiya has largely contributed to the rapid growth
and enormous popularity of what is known as ramya racana
or belles leltres. Dr. Hem Barua, Lalit Bora, I'ilak Hazarika,
Hem Chandra Sarma, Bhadra Bora are some of the regular
contributors to its columns. Unfortunately most of our^young
writers have neither the patien<'e nor the alDility to think clearly

prose: general

195

and write precisely because they trust in genius. When we
survey their writings we are tempted to quotJ; Dante: “There-
fore let the folly of the/se be confuted who. devoid of art and
knowledge and trusting in genius alone, rush forward to write
poetry.’’

A^am Bdni publishes articles of varied interest for both adults
and childicn, including feature articles, shaft stories, poems
and belles-lettres. The most up-to-date trends of Assamese
literature, particuls^rly the work of young poets, short story-
writers and critus, are reflected in the vigorous monthly
magazine, Rdmdhenu, This has been the pivot of a modern
intellectual and literary movennent -a movement which mav
be likened to a great nver embracing many small and apparent-
ly insignificant tributaries, all of them ultimately converging
by winding courses into the great stream and thereby enlarging
and reinforcing Assamese literature in all its \ariet) and pro-
fundity.

INDEX

Agarwala, Ananda Chandra, 115
Agarwala, Chandrakumar, 114-5, 194
Pratima, 1 V6, 124

Agarwala, Jyotiprasad, 137, 138, 159-60
Sonit-Kuwarh 159, 160; Kdrerigar
Ligiri, \59, 160, 161 ; Labhitd,\59^ 160,
161

AUbuba and the Forty Robbers^ 158
Alimunnisa Piar, 138
Sur~\iiard, 138
Ananta Acarya, 90
Ananda Lahari, 90
Ananla Kandali, 23, 42, 59
Mahiriivarhbadha, Harihar-yuddha^
Jfva-stuti, Bharahsd\Ufi^ Vrittdsur-
badha, Knmdrharan-kdvya^ 59
Aniniddha, see Rama SarasviiT
Aniruddha Kayaslha, 23
Arabian Nights, 158
Arimodaw 100, 105, 106, 107, 167, 175,
189, 193

Asam Bant, 194, 195
Asdm-Bandhu, 108
Asam Bant 1 , 1 85
Assat.i Tribune, 129
Atmaram Sarma, 104
Awahan, 177, 178, 193, 194

BaDI N-POWtLL, 2
Bdhi\ 193, 194
Bakharabarar Git, 91
Barbarua, Hiteswar, 115, 116-7, 161
Dhopakali, 115_; Ahiali, \\(i;Desde~
mondkavya, Abhds, Cakulo, 117;
Ahomar Din, 117, 161
Bardoloi, Debnath, 148

Vaidehi- Vicched, 148 ‘

Bardoloi, Nabinchandra, 126, 164
Tara, 164

Bardoloi, Rajanikanta, 168-70

Mirijivari, 168; Monomoti, 168-9;
Rangili, Radhai Ligiri, Tamreswari
Mandir, 169; Nirmal-Bhakat^ 169-70;
Rddhii-Rukmi/ti, ^Danduxd Droh, 170
Bardoloi, Rudraram, 148-9
Bangdi Bangdlanl, 148, 149
Bardoloi, Saradakanta, 165
Pahild Tarikhi Magribar Ajdn, Ebetdr
Ndt, 165

Bargohain, Hemen, 146, 182
Bibhinna Kordc, Prem dru Mrityur
Kdrane, 182

Barkakati, Hari, 146
Barkakati, Padma, 182
Barkakati, Ratnakanta, 124, 125
Sevdli, 124

Barphukanar Git, 91
Barthakur, Indreswar, 155
Sribatsa-Cintd, Indra-Mailikd, 155
Barua, Ananda, 134
Pdpadi, Ranjana Rasmi, 134
Barua, Atul Chandra, 192
Sdhityar Ruparekhd, 192
Barua, Beena, see Birinchi Kumar
Barua

Barua, Bina, 172, 178, [79
Pat-Par ibartan, 178; Aghonibai, 178,
179

Barua, Binandachandra, 130, 131
Sankhadhxani, »J*ratidh\ani, 130;
Agiatfwtir Bir, 131
Barua, Bireswar,

Barua, Birinchi Kunw, 172, 191, 192
Jivanar Bdtat, Seiiji Pdtdr Kdhini,
172; Kciyya dru Ahhivydhjand, 191;
Asamiyd Kathd Sdhitya, Asamiyd
Ankhd Ndt, Mahdmoha Kdvya, Sri
Ram Atd dru Ramdnandar Git, 192
Barua, C^andradhar, 118-9, 154
Sddarai, Keteki, Dahi-Katard 118;
Meghnad- vadh , Tilot tamd-Sambhax ,

Bhdgya Parik^d, 154
Barua, Datta Harinarayan, 112
Barua, Devkanta, 131, 132, 133
Sugar Dekieha, 131. 133
Barua, Durgaprasad Majindar, 148, 149
Brsakctu, Guru Daksind, 148
Barua, Gunabhiram. 107, 108, 148, 184
Biography of Anandaram Dliekiai
Phukan, Asam Buranji, 107; Ram
Navami, 148
Barua, Harakanta, 98

Asam Buranji, Deodhani-Asdni-
Buranji, 98

Bania, Hemchandra, 108, 109, 148, 167,
1^4, 191, 192, 194
Grammar of the Assamese Language,
Hemko^i Adipath, Pdthmdid, 108;
Bdhire Rang-Cang Bhitare Kova Bhd-
iiiri, 109, 167; Kdniydr Kirtan, 109,
148, 149; Adhunik Sdhitya, Sdnmihali,
Sugar Dekhichd, Ranga Karabir
Phul, 192

Barua, Hemkanta, 143
Barua, Jaduram, 105

198

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Barua, Kanchan, 173
Asimat Ydr Hero! Simdy 173
Barua, Kanaklal, 194
Barua, Navakanta, 139, 144-5, 172
He Arartya, He MMnagary YdtU
Eti Dutf Eghdrati Tara, 144; Kapili^-
pariyd SadhU, 172
Barua, Parvali Prasad, 162-3
Lakmiy 162; Sonar tSoleng, 162, 163
Barua, Rohinikanta, 193
Baruani, Dharmeswari Devi, 127, 128
Phular Sarai, Prdrtar Para&, 127
Baudjlaire, Charles, 142
Bernard, St., 69 *

Bezbarua, Lakshminath, 113, 149-50,
168, 175, 184, 185, 190, 193, 194
A mar Janma Bhumi, Mor Dei*
Assam Sangit, 113; Litikdi, Pacani,
149; Nomal, Likarpati Nikarpati,
Jaymati Kuwari, 150; Chakradhvaj
Sirhha, 150, 151, 163; Padum Kuwari,
168; Belimar, 150, 161; Bqrharuar
Bhdvar Burhurani, 184; Sankara-
deva, 190

Bhdgvata, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 32, 46,
53, 62, 64

Bhagavata Bhattacharya, 62
Bhagvata Misrk, 81
Satvata Tantra, 81
Bharadvaja, 85
Bharali, Debananda, 164
Bhimdarpa, 164
Bharat, 37

Ndtya Sdstra, 37, 38 *
Bharat-bhusan, see Rama Sarasvati
Bhaskarvarman, 6

BhaUadeva, 19, 60, 61, 62-3, 66, 93, 188
Bhakti-Viveka, 60; Kathd-Gitd, 188
Bhattacharya, Birendrakumar, 146, 173
Rajpathe Ringiyai, Ai, lyanuingam,
173

Bhattacharya, Kamalakanla, 111-2, 186
Cintdnal, Cintdtarangitu, 111; Himd-
layar Prati Sambodhan, Pdharani, l\2;
Gutidiyek C in tar Dhcu, A^ta\akrar
Atmajivani, 186

Bhattacharya, Kamalananda, 135, 162
Bauli, \Z5\Nagd Kunwdr, A\asdn, 162
Bhattacharya, Tarini Charan, 95
Bhavanidas, 55

Bhawanipuriya, Gopala Ata, 65
Bhuyan, Nakul Chandra, 161, 193
Badan Barphukan, Chandrak&nta
Simha, 161

Bhuyan, Dr. S. K., 95, 98, 99, 101
SvargandrayandevaMahdrdjdrAkhydn^
98

Bijuli, 191

Bi^vesvar Cakravarti, 59
Bora, Bhadra, 194

Bora, Lakshinandan, 182
Bora, Lalit, 194
Bora, Manendra, 146
Natun Kavitd, 146
Bora, Mahichandra, 177
Bory, Mahim, 146, 182
Bora, Malin, 138
Reriu, Surar Kavitd, 138
Bora, Suryu, 138 ,

Sur Sandhani, 138
Bora, Jagannath, 187
Bora, Satyanath, 185, 191

Kendra S/ibhd, Sdrathi, CintdkaJi,
185; Sahitya Vicar, 185; 191
Bose, Amritalal, 158
Gairik-Patdkd, 158
Bronson, 105

Dictionary in Assamese and English,

m

Brown, Rev. N., 104, 105
Grammatical Notice of the Assamese
Language^ 104
Browning, Robert, 132
Burahji, 97-8, 101

Cakrapani, 64
Candradeva, 23
Candid 90

Carey, William, 104
Carlyle, Thomas, 70, 188
Carydpadas, 30
Cetand, 187

Chaliha, Kamalcswar, 162
DhCdi, 162

Chaliha, Padmadhar, 135, 164
Phulani, Git JLahart, Sardi, 135;
Amarlildy J 64
Chaliha, Saurabh, 182
Chakradhvaj Simha, 53
Chakravarty, Amiya, 144
Chatterjee, Bankimcandra, 168, 170, 186
Kf^nacarit, 186
Chatterjee, Dr. S. K, 6
Chaucer, Geoffrey, 31
Chaudhury, Kamal, 138
Gitdvali, 138

Chaudhury, Prasannalal, 134
Agnimantra, 134
Chaudhury, Ramakanta, 148
Sitd-haran, 148
Chaudhury, Sonai^am, 188
Chaudhury, Umeshchandra, 136-7
Pratidhvani, Deyadhvam, Mand&kUd^
136

Chekhov, Anton, 174'

Chesterton, G. K., 184
Chilarl»i, 17, 23

Chowdhury, Nagcndranarayan, 176
Comte, Auguste, 115

INDEX

199

v^iier, A. iw, Ju;)
Croce, Benedetto, 191
Cutter, Mrs, 104
Vocabulary^ 104

Daiiyari T>iakur, 64
Guru-carit, 64
DSmodara DSs, 55
Damodaradeil^a, 61, 64, «65
Dante, 195

Darwin, Charles, 139
Das, Bharat Chandra, 148
Abhimanyu~badh^ 148 ,

Das, Bholanath, 112

Ctntd Tarangirti, SUd-haran Kdvya^
112

Das, Jivanananda, 144
Das, Jogesh, 172

Ddvar dru Ndi, Sahdri Pai, .fpndkir
Jtii^ Sangrdm, Herowa Svarga^ 172
Das, Roma, 178, 179
Datta, Michael Madhusudan, 112, 154
Mcghmd-\adh, Tilhtanid‘Santbha\\ 1 54
Daita, Premnarayan, 174
Pranayar SutU b/iyafir biirmdliy 174
Deka Asam, 187
Deka, Halirara, 178
Alakuhii Cithi, 178
DcU, Hitesh, 172
Ajir Mdnuhy Mdti Kdi\ Bhdrd Chary
172

Dewan. Maniram, 189
Dcvidas, 19

Die/ ionary in Assamese ami English ^ 105
Dina Dvijavara, 93
Madhava-Suloeana, 93
DohakosUy 1

Duara, Jalindranalh, 122-3
Apon Sury Banapliuly Kathd-Kavi/dy 1 23
Duara, Srmath, 98

Tungak hungiyd^Burdhfi, Kachdri-Bur-
unity Asam-Burdhjiy 98
Durang-Raj- Vamsd valiy 101, 102

Durgabar, 14, 16
Giti-Rdmdyana, 14 *

Durlabhanarayana, 10, 11
Dvija Goswami, 92
Kdvya Sdstra. 92

Eheldr Ndty 165
fcliot, T. S., 140, A4, 145

I

Fiich, R^lph,, 17

Freud, SigtnunJ, 139, 140, 141, 180, 183

Gang^^, 55

Ghosh, Girishchandra, 158
Gifdy 21, 50, V>. 61, 125, 186
Gitdgovinday 53, 57, 96, 101
Gogoi, Chandrak^nta, 172
Sonar Ndngaly 172
Gogoi, Ganesh Chandra, 133
Gohain Barua, Padntanath, 114. 151,
152, 168, 185,186, 194
Pindar Cdnejfiy 114 Jaymati, Gadd-
dhar, Sddhanfy Ldcit Barphukan,
Ban Raja, 151; Gaobudhu, Teton-
Tdmuli, Bhut Ne Bhram, 152, Ldhari,
Bhdnumatiy 1 68 ; iSri Kr^rta, 1 86
Goldsmith, Oliver, 116
Vicar of Wakefield, 116
Gopaldeva, 64, 65
Kathdr Sdgar, 65
Gopala Ata, 53, 64
Gopala Misra, 60
Gho^d-ratna, 60
Gopalacaiana Dvija, 23
Gopinath, 55
Goswami, Dinesh, 146
Goswami, Hemchandra, 187, 189, 194
Pindar Jiiaki, Pur an* Asam-Burahji,
Darahg Raj Varhsdvaliy Typical Selec-
tions from Assamese Literature, A
Descript ne Catalogue of Assamese
Manuscripts, 187; Kathd-Citd, 188
Goswami, Mahesh, 138
Amaya, 1 38

Goswami, Prafuliadatta, 172-3, 193
Kecd Pdtar Kapani, 1 73 ; Asamiyd Jana
SdhiryVy 193

Goswami, Pandit Hemchandra, 98
Gosv\ami, Radhikamohan, 173
Cdknaiyd, Bd-Mdraii, 173
Goswami, Sarat Chandra, 175, 176
Gaipahjali, 175; Maynd, 175, 17o
Goswami, Trailokyanaih, 179, 191

Arimd, Maricikd, Jiyd Mdnuh, 179;
Sdhitya dru Samdiocand, 191
Govinda Das, 66
Satsampradaya-kathd, 66
Govinda Misra, 61
Grierson, Sir G. A., 5, 97
Linguistic Survey of India, 6, 98
Gurney, G. S., 106
KdminhKdnta, 106

Gtammar of the Assamese Language, A,
104

Hafi7, 134

Hdjdr Bacharer Purdno Bdhgld Bhdsdy
Bauddha Gan o Doha 6-7
Handiqui, Krishna Kama, 126
Hari, 24

Gadadhar Singh, 73

200

HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Haricaran, 59

Harivamia^ 28, 32, 81, 152
Harivara Vipra, 10-11, ^

BabrubShanar Yuddha^ 10; Lava-
Kuiar Yuddha^ 10,1 1
Hazarika, Atulchandra, 156-8
Nandaduldl, 156; KurukfetrotRukmini-
hara^, Bbuld^ Narakd-sur^ Sakuntald^
Nirydtitd^ Campdvaii, iri Ramcaftdra^
156-7; Banij Kowar, KanauJ Kuwari^
157; Chatrapati jSivhji, 157, _158;
Marjiydndy Mdnas Pratimd, Ahutij
Rang Mahal, Muld-Gdbharu, Kalydni,
158

Hazarika, Bhupen, 138
Jilkdb Luitare Par, 138
Hazarika, Tilak, 194
Hema Sarasvati, 1 1
Prahldd-carita, 11, 27; Hara-Gauri
Sambada, 1 1
Hieun Sang, 6
HitopadHa, 92

Hopkins, Gerard Manely, 43, 114
Huxley, Aldous, 69

^ADrvA, 53, 57, 96
Gitc^ovinda^ 53, 57, 96, 101
<adhvaja Sirhnti, 66
/amati, 73, 116
yrnarayan, 55
vanti, 194
/as, 93

Padmavat^ 93
hnson. Dr Samuel, 108
ndki^ 193, 194
ng, 140

Kabir, 22, 31, 69
Chautisd,Z\

Kafka, Franz, 140

Kakati, Dr. Banikanta, 2, 6, 7, 8, 128,
188, 190, 191

Cetand, Assam, its Formation and

Development, 190

alidasa, 1, 117, 120

alita, Dandinath, 133, 170, 171

Ragad, Rahaghard, Bahurupf, 133;

Sddiiand, Abi^kdr, 170; Ganaviplav,

171

Kama-iastra, 91
Kaifisari Kayastha, 55, 58
Kdminikdnta, 1 68
Kanaklata (Laksm? Ai), 53
Kdntimdld, 46
KasInSth, 96
Ahkar-Aryyd, 96
Kataki,Sarveswar, 188
Kathd-guru-carit, 63

Kavi Kal&pcandra, 23, 57-8
Rddhd-carit, 57-8

Kavicandra, see Rama Sarasvail
Kavicandra * Dvija, 83
Kaviraj ChakravartI, 79, 82, 92-3, 96
Sakuntald-kdvya, 92; iSankhasura-
vodka, 93, 101; Tulasi-carit, 93;
Bhasvati, 96
Kaviraj Mi^ra, 92
Siydl Gosdm, 92
Kaviratna-Sarasvatl, 12 *

Jayadratha-vadha, 12
Kaviiekhar Bhattacarya, 91
Kesav'acarana.23
Khargeswar Dvjja, 82
Kriyd-yoga-sdra, 82

Krsnaram Bhattacarya Nyayavagis, 74

Laksminath Dvija, 55
Lakshihira, 138
Sur Seta, Prathama, 138
Lawrence, D. H., 133
Lekharu* Upendia Chandra, 192
Ammivd Rdmdvana Sdhttxa, 192
Levi, Nidhi Farewell, 105, 106
Natural Science in Familiar DiaUnfut ,
106

Luther. Martin, 22

Madhava Kanoaii, 12-14, 29, 31, 192
KandalCs Rdmuyana, 12, 29, 192;
Desajit, 14

Madhavadeva, 19, 31, 33, 37, 41, 44-52,
60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 70, 102
Bho/ana Vihdra Dadhi Malhana, 37;
Cordhard, Pimpara Guchu^a, 41, 50;
Hdjdri-ghosd, 41, 46; Niima-ghosCi,
41,42, 47-50, 52, 60; Kathd-guiiMuiit,
42 ; Jannunahasva, 45 ; Kotor d-Khelo\ a,
Bhutan Hetoxa^ Bhumi Lutnd, 50
Madhusudan Misra, 90
Magha, 46

Mahahhaiata, 4, 10, 12, 21, 42, 46. 53-
55, 57; 70' 72, 83, 105, 147
Jaiminiya- ,10
Mahamanikya, 12
Mahanta, Govinda, 1 72

Knakar Ndti, 172
Mahanta, Keshav, 138, 139
Mahanta, Mitradev, 155

Biyd-Biparyaya, Kt/kurikandr Athman-
gald^ Eld Curat,, Tengar-Bhengar,
Leklau I Mm, Cenchd Jvar, Ac in

Kathdr Thord, Bom-Phutukd, 155
Mahcndra Kandali, 18* 28
Maladharin Devaprabha, 93
MrgdiM-caritra, 93 *

Mann, Thomas, 140

INDEX

201

Manjhan, 94
Mfadhumaiati, 94
Mankar, 16

Marx, Karl. 140, 183
Marshman> 104
Mathurtdas Ata, 64
Maugham, Somerset, 1 74
Maupassant, Guy de, 174, 182
Medhi, Kaliram, 185, 188
Mitra, Dinabandhu, 1 52,
Nila Darfiiri, 152
Montaigne, 185
Moore, P. H., 105

Nandfsvar Dvija, 82
Nalinibala Devi, 125, 126 128
Sandhiyar 5wr, Paraimani, 125;
Saponar Sur, 125, 126
Narayaoadeva, 16, 17, 22
Sukananni, 16
Narottama Thakur, 60
Bhakti-premdvalu 60
Nat 14 n Asamivd, 194
Na/riil Islam, Kazi, 134
Ncog, Dimbeswai, 130, 191, 193

Indra-Dhanu, Thdpaiuh 130; Asamiyd
Sdhitvar Jihngani^ 191
Neog, Dr. Maheswar, 192
Purant Asamiyd Samdj dm Samskfiti,
Asamiyd Giti Kdvya, Asamiyd Prenh
gdilta, 192
Nicholl, G. F, 104
Manual of the Bengali Language, 104
Nilkantha Das, 65
Ddmodara-carif, 65
Norotlama Dvija, 82

Omar Khayyam, 123
Rubayals, 123

Pads rah- Bin anji, 98 , 1 0('

Padum Kurarir Git, 91
Pancatantra, 92
Parasu Ram Dvija, 81
Phookan, Chandrakanta,. 164
Piyali Phukan, 164, 165
Phookan. Prabin, 165
Manirdm Devdn, 165
Phukan, Dhekial A.nandaram, 107, 184
A Few Remarks on the Assamese
Language, Asargiya Lor dr Mitra, 107
Phukan, Lakshminath, 129, 177
Ophduldng, 1 77

Phukan, Nilanfcni, 128-9, 191
Jyotikand, Mdnasi, SandhdnL Gut-
mdli*Jiiijiri, 128; Sdhitya-Md, 129,
191

Phukan, Nilmoni (Junior), 146
Phukanani, Padmavati Devi, 168
Sudhartndr JJpdkhydn, 168
Phulmani Am Karund, 106, 168
Pur&na, 42, 80, 83, 85, 91, 92

Bhdgvata, 26,‘28, 42, 57, 59, 64, 72
Brahmavaivarta, 81, 82, 93, 96
Dharma, 83 » •

Garuda, 25

Kdlikd, 1, 82

Mdrkapdt^fa, 28, 83, 84, 85

Padma, 59. 93

Vdmana, 11, 25, 82

Vha\ isyat, 59

Visnu, 32, 81

Puru§ottoma, Thakur, 64

RaICHOUDHURY, SuCHfBRATA, 174
Bd-Mdrali, 174
Raghudeva. 52

Raghunandan Bhattacharva, 59
Raghunath Mahanta, 83
Adbhuta-Rdmdyana, 83; Santruiijaya,
83, 85

Raghunath Mism, 81
Rajkhowa, Benudhar, 148, 153
Dak fa- Yagha, Duryyodhanar Vrit-
hhanga, 148, Seiiti Knran, Urubhahga,
Kurisatikdr Sabhyatd, Tini-Ghaityi,
Asik?ita Ghaini, Topanir Parindm,
Corar Snti, 153
Rajkhowa, Sailadhar, 129
Nijara, Pdsdn Pratirnd, 129
Rama pvija, 93
Mrgdvati-caritra, 93
Rama Misra, 79. 92
Putald-caritra, 92

Rama Sarasvatl, 42, 54-5, 57, 58, 70,102
Mahdbhdrata, 54-5; Bhim-cant, 5?
Ramgopal, 65
Ramarai Dvija, 65
Guruli/d, 65
Ramakanta, 65, 66
VanamdUdera-carit, 65
Ramananda, 65

Vamsigopalades ar-carit, 65
Ramananda Das, 65
Ramananda Dviia, 53, 64, 6^
Sankara-carir, 64

Rdmdyana, 4, 28, 32 46, 72, 83, 89,
105, 112, 137, 147

— Adbhuta, 84

— Giti, 14

— KandalL 12, 13

— Vdhniki, 12
Ramcaran Thakui, 60, 63-4

Bhakti-ratna, 60; Sankara-carit, 63
Ramdhenu, 146, 194, 195
Ram NarSyan Cakravarli, 82

202 HISTORY OF ASSAMESE LITERATURE /•

iSankhOsura^vadha, Gitagovinda, Saku-
nt{da-kdvya, 82
Ratikanta Dvija, 82
Ratnakara Kandali, 26
Sahasra Ndma Vrttcinta, 26
Ratnakara Mi^ra, 23"

Ravana-badh, 40
Rilke, Rain'er Maria, 142
Robinson, W, 104 ,

A Grammar of the A%sapie\e Language ^

Rosetti, D. G,, 133
Roy, Dwijendralal, 158
Roychoudhuri, Ambikagiri, 120-1, 137,
187

Anuhhuti\ 121; Ahun, 187
Rudra Randall, 1 2
Satyakf-pravesa, 12

Saikta, Bhaben, 182
Sambhunatha, 95

Gafendra-cittiamani, Ghora Niddna, 95
Sartkaradeva, 17, 18-33,40, 41, 42, 43,
44, 45, 50, 52, 53. 59, 60, 61, 63, 64,
65,70,102

Nimi Nava Sidha Samxdda^ 24;
Bhakti-pradiPi 25, 60; Anddi-Pdtana^
25; Gunamdld*,^ 25; Kirtana-ghosd,
25, 26, 60; Hariicandra-updkhydna^
28; RukminUharana^ 28, 31, 59;
Pdtijdta-harana, 31-2: Baltchalan, 28;
Kdliva-damana, 31, 40; Patnt-Prasdda^
31; Rasa Kridd or Kelt-Gopdia, 31;
Rdma-^ijaya, 31, 32; Chiknaydtrd,
40; Haramohana, 43; Gafendra-
updkhydna, 43; Bhakti-ratnakara, 60;
Bhakti-Ratndbali, 60
Sarbabhauma Bhattacharya, 59
Svarga Khanda Raha%ya, 59
Sarnia, Adyanath, 172
Jivanar Tint Adhyav, 172
Sarnia, Benudhar, 188, 189
Durbin f 189
Sarma, Deben, 138
Salitd, 138

Sarma, Dinanath, 172, 181
Naddt, 172; Duldl, Akalsarid, KaL
pand aur Vdstab, Kowd Bhdturia
Other .Talaty 181, 182
Sarma, Durgeswar, 117, 118, 148, 164
Ahiali, Nivedan, 118; Pdrtha ParajayOy
Bdli‘badh, \A%\Bhrama^rahga, Candra-
vali, 164

Sarma, Hemchandra, 194
Sarma, Laksmidhar, 178, 179
Vyarthatdr Ddn, 178
Sarma, Puma Kama, 148
Haradharm-Bhahga^ 148
Sarma, Satyendranath, 192

Sarma, Umakanta, 191
Kdvya BhumU 191
Sastri, M. M. Haraprasad, 7
Hdjdr Bdcharer Purdno Bdiigld
Bhdsdy Baudha Gan o Dohd, 6-7
Sayed Abdul Malik. 173, 180, 181
Scott. Sir Walter, 168
Shak&pcare, William, 116, 151, 157, 163
Othello, 116; Hamlet, Henry IV,
King Lear, k51 ; The Cor^edy of Errors,
153, 164; The Merchant of Venice, \51\
As You Like It, Macbeth, Romeo and
Juliet, 164
Shelley, P. B.^ 123
Singha, Lakshminarayan, 191
Sitwell, Dame Edith, 142
Siva Singha, 83, 90, 92, 95, 96
. Surya-siddhanta, 96
* Srldhar Kandall, 26, 60

Ghuifuchd-Kirtana, 26, 60; Kankhoxd

Srldhar Svami, 61
SrTmanta Gabharu Khan, 55
Srinath Brahman, see Rama Sarasvatl
Sriram Ata, 53
Subudhirai, 55
Subhahkara, 96
Srihastamuktdvali, 96
Sukapha, 9, 75
Sukumar Barkath, 95 :

Hastividvdrnava, 95, 96, 102
Swinburne, A. C., 133
Syamanta-haran, 40

Taffzul Ali, 138, 139
Manddkrdntd, 138, 139
Tagore, Rabindranath, 51, 125, 135, 144
Giiahjali, 135

Talukdar, Daiba Chandra, 158, J71
Biplav, Bdmum Kuwar, Bhaskarvarmd,
158-9; Apurna, Agnevagiri, Vidroha,
171

Tennyson, Lord Alfred, 123
Thomas, Dylan, 146
Tulsidasa, 26^

Rdmcaritmdnasa, 26
Turgenev, 123

Upanhad, 50, 125, 144, 186
Usd, 185, 194

Vaikunthanatha Kaviratna Buag-
vata Bhattacarya, 61, 63, 68, 98,
99, 188 (also see BhafVadeva)
Kathd-Bhdgavata, 61-63; Kathd Gitd,
61-3, 68, 99, 98. 188
Valery, Paul, 142

INDEX

203

Valimkj, ]2, 13, 85, 132 Vt^nu Bharatl, 23

Vam^lgopal, 65, 66

Varni&vm, 100 , 101

Vanamalldeva, 65, 66 YStrikmar Y&tra^ 106, 168

Vendrycs, J, 67 Yeats, W B . 140

Vidy^andra Kavisekhara, 7#, 81 Yogim Tantra, 1
Vidya Pancanan, 55
Visnupun SannyasI, 42, 45

BhakU~Rama\aU^ 42, 45 Zola, Emil, Jp82